Daniel Béland and André Lecours
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199546848
- eISBN:
- 9780191720468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546848.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Chapter 3 looks at Scotland in the United Kingdom to explore the relationship between nationalism and social policy. It explains how the relationship between British nation-building and social policy ...
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Chapter 3 looks at Scotland in the United Kingdom to explore the relationship between nationalism and social policy. It explains how the relationship between British nation-building and social policy emerged during the post-war era and outlines the particular importance of this process in Scotland, which depended more upon social benefits than did the South of England. It then explores the mobilization process favouring devolution for Scotland in the context of social policy retrenchment, and shows how these two issues meshed during Thatcherism. Finally, it analyses the impact of devolution on social policy development in Scotland and in the United Kingdom at large. Although it is too early to draw definite conclusions about the nature and extent of this impact, it is clear that the institutional and political transformations involved in devolution have affected policy processes and outcomes.Less
Chapter 3 looks at Scotland in the United Kingdom to explore the relationship between nationalism and social policy. It explains how the relationship between British nation-building and social policy emerged during the post-war era and outlines the particular importance of this process in Scotland, which depended more upon social benefits than did the South of England. It then explores the mobilization process favouring devolution for Scotland in the context of social policy retrenchment, and shows how these two issues meshed during Thatcherism. Finally, it analyses the impact of devolution on social policy development in Scotland and in the United Kingdom at large. Although it is too early to draw definite conclusions about the nature and extent of this impact, it is clear that the institutional and political transformations involved in devolution have affected policy processes and outcomes.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; ...
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This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).Less
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).
John A. Booth
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199289653
- eISBN:
- 9780191710964
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289653.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Arising from the 1948 Costa Rican civil war, a multiparty system developed in Costa Rica under a social democratic National Liberation Party (PLN) that dominated the polity for decades. Small ...
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Arising from the 1948 Costa Rican civil war, a multiparty system developed in Costa Rica under a social democratic National Liberation Party (PLN) that dominated the polity for decades. Small conservative opposition parties coalesced to win the presidency upon occasion. These merged into the Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC), which challenged the PLN for dominance within the system in the 1990s. Under stresses imposed by neo-liberalism, the Costa Rican party system destabilized in the early 2000s. This chapter traces the evolving system, examines the parties in presidential and legislative elections over time, and discusses citizen electoral participation. It examines major parties' social bases and their evolving legitimacy, organization, membership, recruitment, financing, factionalism, and interest articulation. It describes the impact for the party system of the rise of media-dominated retail electoral politics, depersonalization partisan politics, and the adoption of primary elections. The PLN stumbled badly in the elections of 1998 and especially 2002, but rallied while the PUSC — plagued by scandals in two administrations — effectively collapsed in the 2006 election. Trends suggest increasing instability and volatility of the system.Less
Arising from the 1948 Costa Rican civil war, a multiparty system developed in Costa Rica under a social democratic National Liberation Party (PLN) that dominated the polity for decades. Small conservative opposition parties coalesced to win the presidency upon occasion. These merged into the Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC), which challenged the PLN for dominance within the system in the 1990s. Under stresses imposed by neo-liberalism, the Costa Rican party system destabilized in the early 2000s. This chapter traces the evolving system, examines the parties in presidential and legislative elections over time, and discusses citizen electoral participation. It examines major parties' social bases and their evolving legitimacy, organization, membership, recruitment, financing, factionalism, and interest articulation. It describes the impact for the party system of the rise of media-dominated retail electoral politics, depersonalization partisan politics, and the adoption of primary elections. The PLN stumbled badly in the elections of 1998 and especially 2002, but rallied while the PUSC — plagued by scandals in two administrations — effectively collapsed in the 2006 election. Trends suggest increasing instability and volatility of the system.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines President Harry S. Truman's commitment of the National Democratic Party to the cause of racial equality and the responses to them by Deep South authoritarian enclaves. It first ...
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This chapter examines President Harry S. Truman's commitment of the National Democratic Party to the cause of racial equality and the responses to them by Deep South authoritarian enclaves. It first provides an overview of the central state, national party, and southern enclaves during the period 1932–1946 before discussing the causes and consequences of the revolt by the States' Rights Party (SRP), also known as the Dixiecrats. It then considers southern enclaves' growing unease with the national party through the 1930s and 1940s, along with the experiences of South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It shows that the Truman shock and responses to it varied within the Deep South depending on different configurations of intraparty conflict and party–state institutions.Less
This chapter examines President Harry S. Truman's commitment of the National Democratic Party to the cause of racial equality and the responses to them by Deep South authoritarian enclaves. It first provides an overview of the central state, national party, and southern enclaves during the period 1932–1946 before discussing the causes and consequences of the revolt by the States' Rights Party (SRP), also known as the Dixiecrats. It then considers southern enclaves' growing unease with the national party through the 1930s and 1940s, along with the experiences of South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It shows that the Truman shock and responses to it varied within the Deep South depending on different configurations of intraparty conflict and party–state institutions.
James Mitchell and Michael Cavanagh
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242143.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). ...
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Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). It shows how each has, in different ways, used EU integration strategically and tactically to advance its claims. This seeming paradox, of nationalist parties supporting institutions that aim to remove power from the nation, can be explained in a number of ways, all involving some degree of redefinition of the nature of nationalism in the context of globalization.Less
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). It shows how each has, in different ways, used EU integration strategically and tactically to advance its claims. This seeming paradox, of nationalist parties supporting institutions that aim to remove power from the nation, can be explained in a number of ways, all involving some degree of redefinition of the nature of nationalism in the context of globalization.
Herbert Marcuse
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0017
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter proposes the dissolution of the Nazi Party and its affiliated organizations. The reports suggests When the Allies march into Nazi Germany, they will probably find the regime in a state ...
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This chapter proposes the dissolution of the Nazi Party and its affiliated organizations. The reports suggests When the Allies march into Nazi Germany, they will probably find the regime in a state of disintegration. Some of the agencies and institutions of Nazism may still be functioning, but the key positions of political control and terror will have been abandoned. The occupying authorities are committed not only to safeguarding the security of the Allied forces and to maintaining public law and order, but also to the destruction of Nazism. Nazism can be eliminated only through an internal political movement in Germany. The first step in this undertaking would be the dissolution of the National Socialist Party as well as its affiliate and controlled organizations, and the removal and apprehension of all officials who participated in the formulation of policy or had considerable responsibility in carrying it out.Less
This chapter proposes the dissolution of the Nazi Party and its affiliated organizations. The reports suggests When the Allies march into Nazi Germany, they will probably find the regime in a state of disintegration. Some of the agencies and institutions of Nazism may still be functioning, but the key positions of political control and terror will have been abandoned. The occupying authorities are committed not only to safeguarding the security of the Allied forces and to maintaining public law and order, but also to the destruction of Nazism. Nazism can be eliminated only through an internal political movement in Germany. The first step in this undertaking would be the dissolution of the National Socialist Party as well as its affiliate and controlled organizations, and the removal and apprehension of all officials who participated in the formulation of policy or had considerable responsibility in carrying it out.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National ...
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This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National Democratic Party reform in the 1960s and early 1970s. As enclave rulers came to believe that change was inevitable, most sought to harness the revolution, striking a fine balance between resisting federal intervention without appearing too defiant, and accepting some change without appearing too quiescent. Pursuing a “harnessed revolution” meant influencing the pace of seemingly inevitable change; it served the overarching goals of protecting the political careers of enclave rulers and the interests of many of their political-economic clients. The chapter considers how prior responses to democratization pressures, factional conflict, and party–state institutions shaped modes of democratization. It shows that the growth of Republicans in the Deep South was to varying degrees both consequence and cause of rulers' responses to democratization pressures.Less
This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National Democratic Party reform in the 1960s and early 1970s. As enclave rulers came to believe that change was inevitable, most sought to harness the revolution, striking a fine balance between resisting federal intervention without appearing too defiant, and accepting some change without appearing too quiescent. Pursuing a “harnessed revolution” meant influencing the pace of seemingly inevitable change; it served the overarching goals of protecting the political careers of enclave rulers and the interests of many of their political-economic clients. The chapter considers how prior responses to democratization pressures, factional conflict, and party–state institutions shaped modes of democratization. It shows that the growth of Republicans in the Deep South was to varying degrees both consequence and cause of rulers' responses to democratization pressures.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister ...
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This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister celebrated the arrival of African nationalism and warned that Afrikaner leaders needed to abandon apartheid—and then shifts attention to the history of apartheid and African nationalism in South Africa. The first section explains the country’s place in the British empire, the intellectual rationale of ‘separate development,’ and the political infighting between apartheid pragmatists and apartheid theorists before 1960. The second section highlights the nonwhite community’s efforts to overcome racial discrimination in South Africa, lingering on the tensions between cosmopolitan liberalism—embodied by the African National Congress (ANC)—and African nationalism of Anton Lembede and later Robert Sobukwe. These two parallel stories came together only one month after Macmillan’s visit to South Africa in the form of the Sharpeville Massacre.Less
This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister celebrated the arrival of African nationalism and warned that Afrikaner leaders needed to abandon apartheid—and then shifts attention to the history of apartheid and African nationalism in South Africa. The first section explains the country’s place in the British empire, the intellectual rationale of ‘separate development,’ and the political infighting between apartheid pragmatists and apartheid theorists before 1960. The second section highlights the nonwhite community’s efforts to overcome racial discrimination in South Africa, lingering on the tensions between cosmopolitan liberalism—embodied by the African National Congress (ANC)—and African nationalism of Anton Lembede and later Robert Sobukwe. These two parallel stories came together only one month after Macmillan’s visit to South Africa in the form of the Sharpeville Massacre.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on the founding and maintenance of southern authoritarian enclaves during the period 1890–1940. It interprets the post-1890s South as a set of stable enclaves of authoritarian ...
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This chapter focuses on the founding and maintenance of southern authoritarian enclaves during the period 1890–1940. It interprets the post-1890s South as a set of stable enclaves of authoritarian rule, in contrast to the common view that it was a region of “herrenvolk” democracy—democracy for whites but not for blacks. The chapter first provides an overview of the birth of southern enclaves, tracing the history of the South before the Civil War to Reconstruction and enclave foundings. It then considers the project of southern “democracy,” black politics under enclave rule, and the South's democratization between 1944 and 1972. It also examines interventions that posed challenges to all southern enclaves, including the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education, President Harry S. Truman and the National Democratic Party's embrace of racial equality, and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.Less
This chapter focuses on the founding and maintenance of southern authoritarian enclaves during the period 1890–1940. It interprets the post-1890s South as a set of stable enclaves of authoritarian rule, in contrast to the common view that it was a region of “herrenvolk” democracy—democracy for whites but not for blacks. The chapter first provides an overview of the birth of southern enclaves, tracing the history of the South before the Civil War to Reconstruction and enclave foundings. It then considers the project of southern “democracy,” black politics under enclave rule, and the South's democratization between 1944 and 1972. It also examines interventions that posed challenges to all southern enclaves, including the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education, President Harry S. Truman and the National Democratic Party's embrace of racial equality, and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
Allison L. Sneider
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195321166
- eISBN:
- 9780199869725
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195321166.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, American History: 20th Century
During the 1910s suffragists followed closely the congressional debates over political independence for men in the Philippines and Puerto Rico and were intent on juxtaposing national legislation that ...
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During the 1910s suffragists followed closely the congressional debates over political independence for men in the Philippines and Puerto Rico and were intent on juxtaposing national legislation that expanded political autonomy for men in these U.S. island possessions against Congress's failure to pass a woman suffrage amendment to the U.S. constitution. By 1916 it seemed, ironically, that the U.S. colonial possessions might be the next site for woman suffrage victories. The revival of the push for the federal woman suffrage amendment, the Nineteenth Amendment (1920), took place in the context of U.S. efforts to resolve the political status of Puerto Rico and the Philippines.Less
During the 1910s suffragists followed closely the congressional debates over political independence for men in the Philippines and Puerto Rico and were intent on juxtaposing national legislation that expanded political autonomy for men in these U.S. island possessions against Congress's failure to pass a woman suffrage amendment to the U.S. constitution. By 1916 it seemed, ironically, that the U.S. colonial possessions might be the next site for woman suffrage victories. The revival of the push for the federal woman suffrage amendment, the Nineteenth Amendment (1920), took place in the context of U.S. efforts to resolve the political status of Puerto Rico and the Philippines.
Landon R. Y. Storrs
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153964
- eISBN:
- 9781400845255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153964.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter introduces a group of young radicals, male and female, who ascended with surprising rapidity in the Roosevelt administration. Many of the younger group advocated women's sexual ...
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This chapter introduces a group of young radicals, male and female, who ascended with surprising rapidity in the Roosevelt administration. Many of the younger group advocated women's sexual emancipation and conducted their personal lives accordingly. Women in the younger cohort were less likely to make “maternalist” arguments that stressed women's innate differences from men, and they identified less exclusively with women-only organizations. These women did not call themselves “left feminists,” but the term usefully distinguishes them from nonfeminist leftists and from the “pure” feminists of the National Woman's Party, whose proposed equal rights amendment antagonized advocates of wage and hour laws for women. However, not all women in government were left feminists. Those who were gained force from the fact that they often knew one another, through shared interests in labor, poverty, housing, public health and health insurance, consumer rights, and international peace—interdependent causes that in their vision had a feminist subtext.Less
This chapter introduces a group of young radicals, male and female, who ascended with surprising rapidity in the Roosevelt administration. Many of the younger group advocated women's sexual emancipation and conducted their personal lives accordingly. Women in the younger cohort were less likely to make “maternalist” arguments that stressed women's innate differences from men, and they identified less exclusively with women-only organizations. These women did not call themselves “left feminists,” but the term usefully distinguishes them from nonfeminist leftists and from the “pure” feminists of the National Woman's Party, whose proposed equal rights amendment antagonized advocates of wage and hour laws for women. However, not all women in government were left feminists. Those who were gained force from the fact that they often knew one another, through shared interests in labor, poverty, housing, public health and health insurance, consumer rights, and international peace—interdependent causes that in their vision had a feminist subtext.
Nancy Woloch
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691002590
- eISBN:
- 9781400866366
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691002590.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter revisits Adkins and considers the feud over protective laws that arose in the women's movement in the 1920s. The clash between friends and foes of the Equal Rights Amendment—and over the ...
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This chapter revisits Adkins and considers the feud over protective laws that arose in the women's movement in the 1920s. The clash between friends and foes of the Equal Rights Amendment—and over the protective laws for women workers that it would surely invalidate—fueled women's politics in the 1920s. Both sides claimed precedent-setting accomplishments. In 1923, the National Woman's Party proposed the historic ERA, which incurred conflict that lasted for decades. The social feminist contingent—larger and more powerful—gained favor briefly among congressional lawmakers, expanded the number and strength of state laws, saw the minimum wage gain a foothold, and promoted protection through the federal Women's Bureau. Neither faction, however, achieved the advances it sought. Instead, a fight between factions underscored competing contentions about single-sex protective laws and their effect on women workers.Less
This chapter revisits Adkins and considers the feud over protective laws that arose in the women's movement in the 1920s. The clash between friends and foes of the Equal Rights Amendment—and over the protective laws for women workers that it would surely invalidate—fueled women's politics in the 1920s. Both sides claimed precedent-setting accomplishments. In 1923, the National Woman's Party proposed the historic ERA, which incurred conflict that lasted for decades. The social feminist contingent—larger and more powerful—gained favor briefly among congressional lawmakers, expanded the number and strength of state laws, saw the minimum wage gain a foothold, and promoted protection through the federal Women's Bureau. Neither faction, however, achieved the advances it sought. Instead, a fight between factions underscored competing contentions about single-sex protective laws and their effect on women workers.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting ...
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This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as well as the reform of the National Democratic Party during the period 1964–1972. It first considers state authorities' consensus preference for effecting a “harnessed revolution” before discussing the challenges posed by the Civil and Voting rights acts to southern enclaves. It then describes the degree to which outsiders interfered in enclaves' responses to these landmark statutes, including federal oversight of voting rights in the Deep South and deployments by black protest organizations. It concludes by analyzing the McGovern–Fraser national Democratic party reforms of 1968–1972.Less
This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as well as the reform of the National Democratic Party during the period 1964–1972. It first considers state authorities' consensus preference for effecting a “harnessed revolution” before discussing the challenges posed by the Civil and Voting rights acts to southern enclaves. It then describes the degree to which outsiders interfered in enclaves' responses to these landmark statutes, including federal oversight of voting rights in the Deep South and deployments by black protest organizations. It concludes by analyzing the McGovern–Fraser national Democratic party reforms of 1968–1972.
KEITH KEITH
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199244898
- eISBN:
- 9780191697401
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199244898.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Organization Studies, HRM / IR
This chapter's focus is on Adolf Hitler, as well as his Aryan race, who did more than anyone else to bring the twentieth century to its knees through mass destruction and genocide. It notes that the ...
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This chapter's focus is on Adolf Hitler, as well as his Aryan race, who did more than anyone else to bring the twentieth century to its knees through mass destruction and genocide. It notes that the irony of Hitler's leadership is that mass voluntarism, not just systemic coercion, and freedom of choice, not just the limits of choice, lie deeply buried within the Nazi system. It examines the Weimar Republic and the Versailles Treaty and the National Socialist Worker's Party. It also talks about Hitler's expansion through Poland and the war against the Jews that began when von Rath, a German diplomat, was murdered by Herschel Grynszpan, a Polish Jew expelled by the Nazis. It explores the war in Europe, the Soviet Union, and the war in Germany.Less
This chapter's focus is on Adolf Hitler, as well as his Aryan race, who did more than anyone else to bring the twentieth century to its knees through mass destruction and genocide. It notes that the irony of Hitler's leadership is that mass voluntarism, not just systemic coercion, and freedom of choice, not just the limits of choice, lie deeply buried within the Nazi system. It examines the Weimar Republic and the Versailles Treaty and the National Socialist Worker's Party. It also talks about Hitler's expansion through Poland and the war against the Jews that began when von Rath, a German diplomat, was murdered by Herschel Grynszpan, a Polish Jew expelled by the Nazis. It explores the war in Europe, the Soviet Union, and the war in Germany.
Jon Johansson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199666423
- eISBN:
- 9780191751462
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199666423.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines stability and change in the relationship between New Zealand prime ministers and their parties. It focuses upon three dimensions: party organization, prime-ministerial security ...
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This chapter examines stability and change in the relationship between New Zealand prime ministers and their parties. It focuses upon three dimensions: party organization, prime-ministerial security of tenure and the impact of transformational periods in New Zealand politics, most particularly the adoption in 1993 of the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) electoral system. The chapter highlights that how well a prime minister meets party expectations is fundamental to all other aspects of their leadership. It shows that the introduction of MMP and advent of multi-party government has increased the complexity facing prime ministers in their party relationships. The chapter also demonstrates that the centralizing tendencies in other Westminster democracies have been replicated in New Zealand, but while increased media focus on leadership has accentuated prime ministers’ autonomy in relation to their parties, along with such freedom comes a responsibility to win elections. Prime-ministerial security of tenure hinges on maintaining popularity.Less
This chapter examines stability and change in the relationship between New Zealand prime ministers and their parties. It focuses upon three dimensions: party organization, prime-ministerial security of tenure and the impact of transformational periods in New Zealand politics, most particularly the adoption in 1993 of the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) electoral system. The chapter highlights that how well a prime minister meets party expectations is fundamental to all other aspects of their leadership. It shows that the introduction of MMP and advent of multi-party government has increased the complexity facing prime ministers in their party relationships. The chapter also demonstrates that the centralizing tendencies in other Westminster democracies have been replicated in New Zealand, but while increased media focus on leadership has accentuated prime ministers’ autonomy in relation to their parties, along with such freedom comes a responsibility to win elections. Prime-ministerial security of tenure hinges on maintaining popularity.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Chapter 4 examines the different paths that state–labor relations took in the book’s two other cases, Zambia and Kenya. As in Zimbabwe, the Zambian state passed legislation that strengthened and ...
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Chapter 4 examines the different paths that state–labor relations took in the book’s two other cases, Zambia and Kenya. As in Zimbabwe, the Zambian state passed legislation that strengthened and centralized the labor movement, and the ruling party saw trade unions as partners in governance. In the decades following independence, this party–union alliance was challenged by grassroots strike activity and by greater confrontation between the state and labor leaders over economic policy. In Kenya, the labor control regime was markedly different than in Zimbabwe and Zambia. The state never viewed trade unions as an effective instrument of control, nor did they make any attempt to centralize union structures. Union membership remained low, and unions were fragmented and had little shopfloor presence. The chapter argues that these differences in labor regimes led to very different associational landscapes in these two countries.Less
Chapter 4 examines the different paths that state–labor relations took in the book’s two other cases, Zambia and Kenya. As in Zimbabwe, the Zambian state passed legislation that strengthened and centralized the labor movement, and the ruling party saw trade unions as partners in governance. In the decades following independence, this party–union alliance was challenged by grassroots strike activity and by greater confrontation between the state and labor leaders over economic policy. In Kenya, the labor control regime was markedly different than in Zimbabwe and Zambia. The state never viewed trade unions as an effective instrument of control, nor did they make any attempt to centralize union structures. Union membership remained low, and unions were fragmented and had little shopfloor presence. The chapter argues that these differences in labor regimes led to very different associational landscapes in these two countries.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the legacies and lessons of the southern enclaves' different paths to democratization. It first summarizes the book's findings, showing how, from the abolition of the white ...
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This chapter examines the legacies and lessons of the southern enclaves' different paths to democratization. It first summarizes the book's findings, showing how, from the abolition of the white primary in 1944 until the McGovern–Fraser National Democratic Party reforms of the early 1970s, democratizers assaulted the authoritarian enclaves of the Deep South. It then offers a way to supplement existing approaches to the study of contemporary electoral and economic change, focusing in particular on how the framework of authoritarian enclaves might enhance our understanding of the rise of southern Republicans and the South's uneven economic development. It concludes by considering some implications of the book's findings for the study of the South, American political development, and regime change.Less
This chapter examines the legacies and lessons of the southern enclaves' different paths to democratization. It first summarizes the book's findings, showing how, from the abolition of the white primary in 1944 until the McGovern–Fraser National Democratic Party reforms of the early 1970s, democratizers assaulted the authoritarian enclaves of the Deep South. It then offers a way to supplement existing approaches to the study of contemporary electoral and economic change, focusing in particular on how the framework of authoritarian enclaves might enhance our understanding of the rise of southern Republicans and the South's uneven economic development. It concludes by considering some implications of the book's findings for the study of the South, American political development, and regime change.
David G. Marr
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780520274150
- eISBN:
- 9780520954977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520274150.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents ...
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With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents civil, government, and media treatment of traitors and reactionaries. Those convicted by the military courts were taken into the DRV's incarceration system, with the Hanoi Central Prison in the foreground; those tried as traitors in rapidly proliferating “people's courts” faced the radical penalties of civilian justice. Tensions arose between the DRV cabinet and the government in light of the latter's failure to fulfill national judicial policies, as further divides began to form within the nation. Political parties within the nation were not immunized from this swelling pattern of schisms. As the DRV began to fragmentize in anticipation of wartime, the Vietnamese public continued to try the strength of its stitching.Less
With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents civil, government, and media treatment of traitors and reactionaries. Those convicted by the military courts were taken into the DRV's incarceration system, with the Hanoi Central Prison in the foreground; those tried as traitors in rapidly proliferating “people's courts” faced the radical penalties of civilian justice. Tensions arose between the DRV cabinet and the government in light of the latter's failure to fulfill national judicial policies, as further divides began to form within the nation. Political parties within the nation were not immunized from this swelling pattern of schisms. As the DRV began to fragmentize in anticipation of wartime, the Vietnamese public continued to try the strength of its stitching.
Bruce K. Rutherford
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158044
- eISBN:
- 9781400846146
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158044.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter observes that the implementation of market-oriented economic policies since 1991 has strengthened the political influence of the business community. By June 2000, the government had sold ...
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This chapter observes that the implementation of market-oriented economic policies since 1991 has strengthened the political influence of the business community. By June 2000, the government had sold a controlling interest in roughly one-third of the enterprises that it owned, with a sale value of about 12.3 billion LE. Egypt's most powerful businessmen have used this opportunity to articulate a distinctive conception of market liberalism through the publications of a prominent think tank, the Egyptian Center for Economic Studies. The chapter documents and analyzes this view of the state, law, and the economy. It also notes that this approach to market liberalism has been adopted by the ruling National Democratic Party and implemented by the reformist prime minister who assumed power in 2004 (Ahmad Nazif).Less
This chapter observes that the implementation of market-oriented economic policies since 1991 has strengthened the political influence of the business community. By June 2000, the government had sold a controlling interest in roughly one-third of the enterprises that it owned, with a sale value of about 12.3 billion LE. Egypt's most powerful businessmen have used this opportunity to articulate a distinctive conception of market liberalism through the publications of a prominent think tank, the Egyptian Center for Economic Studies. The chapter documents and analyzes this view of the state, law, and the economy. It also notes that this approach to market liberalism has been adopted by the ruling National Democratic Party and implemented by the reformist prime minister who assumed power in 2004 (Ahmad Nazif).
Richard S. Kim
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195369991
- eISBN:
- 9780199918263
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369991.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, Asian History
This chapter examines the political activities of the relatively obscure nationalist Kilsoo Haan. Through what he called “constructive Americanism,” Haan believed Koreans on the U.S. mainland and ...
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This chapter examines the political activities of the relatively obscure nationalist Kilsoo Haan. Through what he called “constructive Americanism,” Haan believed Koreans on the U.S. mainland and Hawaii could serve as valuable allies of America in combating what he claimed to be Japan’s threat at home and abroad. His rhetorical strategies and actions articulated a distinct U.S.-based ethnic identity as he sought to advance the interests of Koreans in America and abroad simultaneously. Haan not only lobbied for U.S. material aid for the nationalist cause of Korean independence, but his organizing efforts conspicuously positioned Koreans in America as a part of U.S. state structures and society. Korean nationalism thus facilitated the development of a collective identity as ethnic Americans. This identity was not solely rooted in cultural ties to the homeland or imagined notions of a Korean nation-state, but also emerged from the daily experiences of living in the United States. Ethnicity was not an intrinsic cultural identification carried over from Korea that was to be preserved or maintained. Rather, it was an ongoing process emerging from the daily interactions between immigrants and the dominant host society as immigrants adapted to specific historical realities at particular moments in time.Less
This chapter examines the political activities of the relatively obscure nationalist Kilsoo Haan. Through what he called “constructive Americanism,” Haan believed Koreans on the U.S. mainland and Hawaii could serve as valuable allies of America in combating what he claimed to be Japan’s threat at home and abroad. His rhetorical strategies and actions articulated a distinct U.S.-based ethnic identity as he sought to advance the interests of Koreans in America and abroad simultaneously. Haan not only lobbied for U.S. material aid for the nationalist cause of Korean independence, but his organizing efforts conspicuously positioned Koreans in America as a part of U.S. state structures and society. Korean nationalism thus facilitated the development of a collective identity as ethnic Americans. This identity was not solely rooted in cultural ties to the homeland or imagined notions of a Korean nation-state, but also emerged from the daily experiences of living in the United States. Ethnicity was not an intrinsic cultural identification carried over from Korea that was to be preserved or maintained. Rather, it was an ongoing process emerging from the daily interactions between immigrants and the dominant host society as immigrants adapted to specific historical realities at particular moments in time.
