Daniel Béland and André Lecours
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199546848
- eISBN:
- 9780191720468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546848.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Chapter 3 looks at Scotland in the United Kingdom to explore the relationship between nationalism and social policy. It explains how the relationship between British nation-building and social policy ...
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Chapter 3 looks at Scotland in the United Kingdom to explore the relationship between nationalism and social policy. It explains how the relationship between British nation-building and social policy emerged during the post-war era and outlines the particular importance of this process in Scotland, which depended more upon social benefits than did the South of England. It then explores the mobilization process favouring devolution for Scotland in the context of social policy retrenchment, and shows how these two issues meshed during Thatcherism. Finally, it analyses the impact of devolution on social policy development in Scotland and in the United Kingdom at large. Although it is too early to draw definite conclusions about the nature and extent of this impact, it is clear that the institutional and political transformations involved in devolution have affected policy processes and outcomes.Less
Chapter 3 looks at Scotland in the United Kingdom to explore the relationship between nationalism and social policy. It explains how the relationship between British nation-building and social policy emerged during the post-war era and outlines the particular importance of this process in Scotland, which depended more upon social benefits than did the South of England. It then explores the mobilization process favouring devolution for Scotland in the context of social policy retrenchment, and shows how these two issues meshed during Thatcherism. Finally, it analyses the impact of devolution on social policy development in Scotland and in the United Kingdom at large. Although it is too early to draw definite conclusions about the nature and extent of this impact, it is clear that the institutional and political transformations involved in devolution have affected policy processes and outcomes.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; ...
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This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).Less
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).
John A. Booth
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199289653
- eISBN:
- 9780191710964
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289653.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Arising from the 1948 Costa Rican civil war, a multiparty system developed in Costa Rica under a social democratic National Liberation Party (PLN) that dominated the polity for decades. Small ...
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Arising from the 1948 Costa Rican civil war, a multiparty system developed in Costa Rica under a social democratic National Liberation Party (PLN) that dominated the polity for decades. Small conservative opposition parties coalesced to win the presidency upon occasion. These merged into the Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC), which challenged the PLN for dominance within the system in the 1990s. Under stresses imposed by neo-liberalism, the Costa Rican party system destabilized in the early 2000s. This chapter traces the evolving system, examines the parties in presidential and legislative elections over time, and discusses citizen electoral participation. It examines major parties' social bases and their evolving legitimacy, organization, membership, recruitment, financing, factionalism, and interest articulation. It describes the impact for the party system of the rise of media-dominated retail electoral politics, depersonalization partisan politics, and the adoption of primary elections. The PLN stumbled badly in the elections of 1998 and especially 2002, but rallied while the PUSC — plagued by scandals in two administrations — effectively collapsed in the 2006 election. Trends suggest increasing instability and volatility of the system.Less
Arising from the 1948 Costa Rican civil war, a multiparty system developed in Costa Rica under a social democratic National Liberation Party (PLN) that dominated the polity for decades. Small conservative opposition parties coalesced to win the presidency upon occasion. These merged into the Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC), which challenged the PLN for dominance within the system in the 1990s. Under stresses imposed by neo-liberalism, the Costa Rican party system destabilized in the early 2000s. This chapter traces the evolving system, examines the parties in presidential and legislative elections over time, and discusses citizen electoral participation. It examines major parties' social bases and their evolving legitimacy, organization, membership, recruitment, financing, factionalism, and interest articulation. It describes the impact for the party system of the rise of media-dominated retail electoral politics, depersonalization partisan politics, and the adoption of primary elections. The PLN stumbled badly in the elections of 1998 and especially 2002, but rallied while the PUSC — plagued by scandals in two administrations — effectively collapsed in the 2006 election. Trends suggest increasing instability and volatility of the system.
James Mitchell and Michael Cavanagh
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242143.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). ...
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Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). It shows how each has, in different ways, used EU integration strategically and tactically to advance its claims. This seeming paradox, of nationalist parties supporting institutions that aim to remove power from the nation, can be explained in a number of ways, all involving some degree of redefinition of the nature of nationalism in the context of globalization.Less
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). It shows how each has, in different ways, used EU integration strategically and tactically to advance its claims. This seeming paradox, of nationalist parties supporting institutions that aim to remove power from the nation, can be explained in a number of ways, all involving some degree of redefinition of the nature of nationalism in the context of globalization.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister ...
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This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister celebrated the arrival of African nationalism and warned that Afrikaner leaders needed to abandon apartheid—and then shifts attention to the history of apartheid and African nationalism in South Africa. The first section explains the country’s place in the British empire, the intellectual rationale of ‘separate development,’ and the political infighting between apartheid pragmatists and apartheid theorists before 1960. The second section highlights the nonwhite community’s efforts to overcome racial discrimination in South Africa, lingering on the tensions between cosmopolitan liberalism—embodied by the African National Congress (ANC)—and African nationalism of Anton Lembede and later Robert Sobukwe. These two parallel stories came together only one month after Macmillan’s visit to South Africa in the form of the Sharpeville Massacre.Less
This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister celebrated the arrival of African nationalism and warned that Afrikaner leaders needed to abandon apartheid—and then shifts attention to the history of apartheid and African nationalism in South Africa. The first section explains the country’s place in the British empire, the intellectual rationale of ‘separate development,’ and the political infighting between apartheid pragmatists and apartheid theorists before 1960. The second section highlights the nonwhite community’s efforts to overcome racial discrimination in South Africa, lingering on the tensions between cosmopolitan liberalism—embodied by the African National Congress (ANC)—and African nationalism of Anton Lembede and later Robert Sobukwe. These two parallel stories came together only one month after Macmillan’s visit to South Africa in the form of the Sharpeville Massacre.
Allison L. Sneider
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195321166
- eISBN:
- 9780199869725
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195321166.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, American History: 20th Century
During the 1910s suffragists followed closely the congressional debates over political independence for men in the Philippines and Puerto Rico and were intent on juxtaposing national legislation that ...
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During the 1910s suffragists followed closely the congressional debates over political independence for men in the Philippines and Puerto Rico and were intent on juxtaposing national legislation that expanded political autonomy for men in these U.S. island possessions against Congress's failure to pass a woman suffrage amendment to the U.S. constitution. By 1916 it seemed, ironically, that the U.S. colonial possessions might be the next site for woman suffrage victories. The revival of the push for the federal woman suffrage amendment, the Nineteenth Amendment (1920), took place in the context of U.S. efforts to resolve the political status of Puerto Rico and the Philippines.Less
During the 1910s suffragists followed closely the congressional debates over political independence for men in the Philippines and Puerto Rico and were intent on juxtaposing national legislation that expanded political autonomy for men in these U.S. island possessions against Congress's failure to pass a woman suffrage amendment to the U.S. constitution. By 1916 it seemed, ironically, that the U.S. colonial possessions might be the next site for woman suffrage victories. The revival of the push for the federal woman suffrage amendment, the Nineteenth Amendment (1920), took place in the context of U.S. efforts to resolve the political status of Puerto Rico and the Philippines.
KEITH KEITH
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199244898
- eISBN:
- 9780191697401
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199244898.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Organization Studies, HRM / IR
This chapter's focus is on Adolf Hitler, as well as his Aryan race, who did more than anyone else to bring the twentieth century to its knees through mass destruction and genocide. It notes that the ...
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This chapter's focus is on Adolf Hitler, as well as his Aryan race, who did more than anyone else to bring the twentieth century to its knees through mass destruction and genocide. It notes that the irony of Hitler's leadership is that mass voluntarism, not just systemic coercion, and freedom of choice, not just the limits of choice, lie deeply buried within the Nazi system. It examines the Weimar Republic and the Versailles Treaty and the National Socialist Worker's Party. It also talks about Hitler's expansion through Poland and the war against the Jews that began when von Rath, a German diplomat, was murdered by Herschel Grynszpan, a Polish Jew expelled by the Nazis. It explores the war in Europe, the Soviet Union, and the war in Germany.Less
This chapter's focus is on Adolf Hitler, as well as his Aryan race, who did more than anyone else to bring the twentieth century to its knees through mass destruction and genocide. It notes that the irony of Hitler's leadership is that mass voluntarism, not just systemic coercion, and freedom of choice, not just the limits of choice, lie deeply buried within the Nazi system. It examines the Weimar Republic and the Versailles Treaty and the National Socialist Worker's Party. It also talks about Hitler's expansion through Poland and the war against the Jews that began when von Rath, a German diplomat, was murdered by Herschel Grynszpan, a Polish Jew expelled by the Nazis. It explores the war in Europe, the Soviet Union, and the war in Germany.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Chapter 4 examines the different paths that state–labor relations took in the book’s two other cases, Zambia and Kenya. As in Zimbabwe, the Zambian state passed legislation that strengthened and ...
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Chapter 4 examines the different paths that state–labor relations took in the book’s two other cases, Zambia and Kenya. As in Zimbabwe, the Zambian state passed legislation that strengthened and centralized the labor movement, and the ruling party saw trade unions as partners in governance. In the decades following independence, this party–union alliance was challenged by grassroots strike activity and by greater confrontation between the state and labor leaders over economic policy. In Kenya, the labor control regime was markedly different than in Zimbabwe and Zambia. The state never viewed trade unions as an effective instrument of control, nor did they make any attempt to centralize union structures. Union membership remained low, and unions were fragmented and had little shopfloor presence. The chapter argues that these differences in labor regimes led to very different associational landscapes in these two countries.Less
Chapter 4 examines the different paths that state–labor relations took in the book’s two other cases, Zambia and Kenya. As in Zimbabwe, the Zambian state passed legislation that strengthened and centralized the labor movement, and the ruling party saw trade unions as partners in governance. In the decades following independence, this party–union alliance was challenged by grassroots strike activity and by greater confrontation between the state and labor leaders over economic policy. In Kenya, the labor control regime was markedly different than in Zimbabwe and Zambia. The state never viewed trade unions as an effective instrument of control, nor did they make any attempt to centralize union structures. Union membership remained low, and unions were fragmented and had little shopfloor presence. The chapter argues that these differences in labor regimes led to very different associational landscapes in these two countries.
Jon Johansson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199666423
- eISBN:
- 9780191751462
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199666423.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines stability and change in the relationship between New Zealand prime ministers and their parties. It focuses upon three dimensions: party organization, prime-ministerial security ...
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This chapter examines stability and change in the relationship between New Zealand prime ministers and their parties. It focuses upon three dimensions: party organization, prime-ministerial security of tenure and the impact of transformational periods in New Zealand politics, most particularly the adoption in 1993 of the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) electoral system. The chapter highlights that how well a prime minister meets party expectations is fundamental to all other aspects of their leadership. It shows that the introduction of MMP and advent of multi-party government has increased the complexity facing prime ministers in their party relationships. The chapter also demonstrates that the centralizing tendencies in other Westminster democracies have been replicated in New Zealand, but while increased media focus on leadership has accentuated prime ministers’ autonomy in relation to their parties, along with such freedom comes a responsibility to win elections. Prime-ministerial security of tenure hinges on maintaining popularity.Less
This chapter examines stability and change in the relationship between New Zealand prime ministers and their parties. It focuses upon three dimensions: party organization, prime-ministerial security of tenure and the impact of transformational periods in New Zealand politics, most particularly the adoption in 1993 of the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) electoral system. The chapter highlights that how well a prime minister meets party expectations is fundamental to all other aspects of their leadership. It shows that the introduction of MMP and advent of multi-party government has increased the complexity facing prime ministers in their party relationships. The chapter also demonstrates that the centralizing tendencies in other Westminster democracies have been replicated in New Zealand, but while increased media focus on leadership has accentuated prime ministers’ autonomy in relation to their parties, along with such freedom comes a responsibility to win elections. Prime-ministerial security of tenure hinges on maintaining popularity.
David G. Marr
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780520274150
- eISBN:
- 9780520954977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520274150.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents ...
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With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents civil, government, and media treatment of traitors and reactionaries. Those convicted by the military courts were taken into the DRV's incarceration system, with the Hanoi Central Prison in the foreground; those tried as traitors in rapidly proliferating “people's courts” faced the radical penalties of civilian justice. Tensions arose between the DRV cabinet and the government in light of the latter's failure to fulfill national judicial policies, as further divides began to form within the nation. Political parties within the nation were not immunized from this swelling pattern of schisms. As the DRV began to fragmentize in anticipation of wartime, the Vietnamese public continued to try the strength of its stitching.Less
With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents civil, government, and media treatment of traitors and reactionaries. Those convicted by the military courts were taken into the DRV's incarceration system, with the Hanoi Central Prison in the foreground; those tried as traitors in rapidly proliferating “people's courts” faced the radical penalties of civilian justice. Tensions arose between the DRV cabinet and the government in light of the latter's failure to fulfill national judicial policies, as further divides began to form within the nation. Political parties within the nation were not immunized from this swelling pattern of schisms. As the DRV began to fragmentize in anticipation of wartime, the Vietnamese public continued to try the strength of its stitching.
