Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was founded in 1988 from a merger of two hitherto independent but allied parties: the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. The former had existed in different forms for more than 300 years, whereas the latter emerged from a split in the Labour Party in 1981. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was founded in 1988 from a merger of two hitherto independent but allied parties: the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. The former had existed in different forms for more than 300 years, whereas the latter emerged from a split in the Labour Party in 1981. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines President Harry S. Truman's commitment of the National Democratic Party to the cause of racial equality and the responses to them by Deep South authoritarian enclaves. It first ...
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This chapter examines President Harry S. Truman's commitment of the National Democratic Party to the cause of racial equality and the responses to them by Deep South authoritarian enclaves. It first provides an overview of the central state, national party, and southern enclaves during the period 1932–1946 before discussing the causes and consequences of the revolt by the States' Rights Party (SRP), also known as the Dixiecrats. It then considers southern enclaves' growing unease with the national party through the 1930s and 1940s, along with the experiences of South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It shows that the Truman shock and responses to it varied within the Deep South depending on different configurations of intraparty conflict and party–state institutions.Less
This chapter examines President Harry S. Truman's commitment of the National Democratic Party to the cause of racial equality and the responses to them by Deep South authoritarian enclaves. It first provides an overview of the central state, national party, and southern enclaves during the period 1932–1946 before discussing the causes and consequences of the revolt by the States' Rights Party (SRP), also known as the Dixiecrats. It then considers southern enclaves' growing unease with the national party through the 1930s and 1940s, along with the experiences of South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It shows that the Truman shock and responses to it varied within the Deep South depending on different configurations of intraparty conflict and party–state institutions.
Susan E. Scarrow
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279181
- eISBN:
- 9780191600166
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279183.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the ...
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Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the parties’ leaderships and in their electoral fortunes, and provides an overview of some of the period's most important party decisions that affect membership structures and rules.Less
Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the parties’ leaderships and in their electoral fortunes, and provides an overview of some of the period's most important party decisions that affect membership structures and rules.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist ...
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Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.Less
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.
Herbert Marcuse
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter focuses on the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands or SPD) of Germany. The report states that among the German political parties that may be revived after ...
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This chapter focuses on the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands or SPD) of Germany. The report states that among the German political parties that may be revived after the destruction of the Nazi regime, the SPD is likely to play an important role. Dating from the earliest years of the German empire, the SPD has maintained a tradition as the strongest, and prior to 1917 the only, labor party in Germany. Nazi Germany has not succeeded in destroying the allegiance of much of the old social democratic membership. The chapter first provides a background on the origin, composition, and strength of the SPD before discussing its policies, including political policy, economic policy, and foreign policy. It then considers the exiled leadership of the SPD, along with developments in the party since the occupation of Germany. It also assesses the SPD's prospects in the postwar period.Less
This chapter focuses on the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands or SPD) of Germany. The report states that among the German political parties that may be revived after the destruction of the Nazi regime, the SPD is likely to play an important role. Dating from the earliest years of the German empire, the SPD has maintained a tradition as the strongest, and prior to 1917 the only, labor party in Germany. Nazi Germany has not succeeded in destroying the allegiance of much of the old social democratic membership. The chapter first provides a background on the origin, composition, and strength of the SPD before discussing its policies, including political policy, economic policy, and foreign policy. It then considers the exiled leadership of the SPD, along with developments in the party since the occupation of Germany. It also assesses the SPD's prospects in the postwar period.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National ...
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This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National Democratic Party reform in the 1960s and early 1970s. As enclave rulers came to believe that change was inevitable, most sought to harness the revolution, striking a fine balance between resisting federal intervention without appearing too defiant, and accepting some change without appearing too quiescent. Pursuing a “harnessed revolution” meant influencing the pace of seemingly inevitable change; it served the overarching goals of protecting the political careers of enclave rulers and the interests of many of their political-economic clients. The chapter considers how prior responses to democratization pressures, factional conflict, and party–state institutions shaped modes of democratization. It shows that the growth of Republicans in the Deep South was to varying degrees both consequence and cause of rulers' responses to democratization pressures.Less
This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National Democratic Party reform in the 1960s and early 1970s. As enclave rulers came to believe that change was inevitable, most sought to harness the revolution, striking a fine balance between resisting federal intervention without appearing too defiant, and accepting some change without appearing too quiescent. Pursuing a “harnessed revolution” meant influencing the pace of seemingly inevitable change; it served the overarching goals of protecting the political careers of enclave rulers and the interests of many of their political-economic clients. The chapter considers how prior responses to democratization pressures, factional conflict, and party–state institutions shaped modes of democratization. It shows that the growth of Republicans in the Deep South was to varying degrees both consequence and cause of rulers' responses to democratization pressures.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
At the start of the Troubles, Paisley led the smallest of three strands of conservative unionist opposition to change. By 2004, the DUP had displaced the Ulster Unionist party from a position of ...
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At the start of the Troubles, Paisley led the smallest of three strands of conservative unionist opposition to change. By 2004, the DUP had displaced the Ulster Unionist party from a position of dominance it had enjoyed for over eighty years. This chapter details and explains the rise of the DUP.Less
At the start of the Troubles, Paisley led the smallest of three strands of conservative unionist opposition to change. By 2004, the DUP had displaced the Ulster Unionist party from a position of dominance it had enjoyed for over eighty years. This chapter details and explains the rise of the DUP.
Jeffery A. Jenkins and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691118123
- eISBN:
- 9781400845460
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691118123.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1849 and 1855–1856, the most chaotic instances of officer selection in the history of the House of Representatives. It considers how the Second ...
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This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1849 and 1855–1856, the most chaotic instances of officer selection in the history of the House of Representatives. It considers how the Second Party System weakened and eventually collapsed as the slavery issue overwhelmed the interregional partisanship that had been in place for two decades. It also discusses the emergence of new political parties, such as the Free-Soil Party, the American Party, and the Republican Party, that created new avenues for coalitional organization. In particular, it looks at the rise of the Republican Party as the primary opposition party to the Democrats. Finally, it describes how the rising popularity of the new parties in congressional elections affected politicians in both the Whig Party and the Democratic Party.Less
This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1849 and 1855–1856, the most chaotic instances of officer selection in the history of the House of Representatives. It considers how the Second Party System weakened and eventually collapsed as the slavery issue overwhelmed the interregional partisanship that had been in place for two decades. It also discusses the emergence of new political parties, such as the Free-Soil Party, the American Party, and the Republican Party, that created new avenues for coalitional organization. In particular, it looks at the rise of the Republican Party as the primary opposition party to the Democrats. Finally, it describes how the rising popularity of the new parties in congressional elections affected politicians in both the Whig Party and the Democratic Party.
Steven R. Reed and Michael F. Thies
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter, on the causes of electoral reform in Japan, reviews the movement from an extreme electoral (hyper‐personalistic) system in which candidates of the same party competed against one ...
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This chapter, on the causes of electoral reform in Japan, reviews the movement from an extreme electoral (hyper‐personalistic) system in which candidates of the same party competed against one another in three‐ to five‐seat districts (in a single non‐transferable vote system, SNTV) to a mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system that eliminated intraparty competition. It is argued that short‐term act‐contingent motivations played a necessary role in passing political reform, and that by January 1994, when the reform bills finally passed into law, no politician could publicly oppose political reform, even though some felt freer to grumble about it. The main sections of the chapter are: The Pathologies of SNTV: Who Hated What?; A Brief History of Failed Electoral Reform Efforts—1956 to 1991; The Fall and Rise of the LDP (Liberal Democratic Party): Electoral Reform in 1993–4; Analysis: The Causes of Electoral Reform.Less
This chapter, on the causes of electoral reform in Japan, reviews the movement from an extreme electoral (hyper‐personalistic) system in which candidates of the same party competed against one another in three‐ to five‐seat districts (in a single non‐transferable vote system, SNTV) to a mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system that eliminated intraparty competition. It is argued that short‐term act‐contingent motivations played a necessary role in passing political reform, and that by January 1994, when the reform bills finally passed into law, no politician could publicly oppose political reform, even though some felt freer to grumble about it. The main sections of the chapter are: The Pathologies of SNTV: Who Hated What?; A Brief History of Failed Electoral Reform Efforts—1956 to 1991; The Fall and Rise of the LDP (Liberal Democratic Party): Electoral Reform in 1993–4; Analysis: The Causes of Electoral Reform.
Lily Geismer
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157238
- eISBN:
- 9781400852420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157238.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter explores both Governor Michael Dukakis's career from the early 1970s to his presidential bid and the state's economic turnaround, dubbed the “Massachusetts Miracle,” which made the ...
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This chapter explores both Governor Michael Dukakis's career from the early 1970s to his presidential bid and the state's economic turnaround, dubbed the “Massachusetts Miracle,” which made the high-tech industry and skilled professionals ever more central to the state's economy and politics, and the Democratic Party. Despite Dukakis's loss, his platform of abortion rights, affirmative action, the environment, and other quality-of-life concerns coupled with an emphasis on using market incentives to stimulate high-tech growth had a deep impact. Dukakis's platform influenced the set of policies and approach adopted by the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) and its leader, Bill Clinton, in their efforts to appeal to suburban voters and move the party closer toward the center. This agenda continued to disproportionately benefit postindustrial professionals, while also perpetuating forms of racial and economic inequality within metropolitan Boston and in the Democratic Party's priorities.Less
This chapter explores both Governor Michael Dukakis's career from the early 1970s to his presidential bid and the state's economic turnaround, dubbed the “Massachusetts Miracle,” which made the high-tech industry and skilled professionals ever more central to the state's economy and politics, and the Democratic Party. Despite Dukakis's loss, his platform of abortion rights, affirmative action, the environment, and other quality-of-life concerns coupled with an emphasis on using market incentives to stimulate high-tech growth had a deep impact. Dukakis's platform influenced the set of policies and approach adopted by the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) and its leader, Bill Clinton, in their efforts to appeal to suburban voters and move the party closer toward the center. This agenda continued to disproportionately benefit postindustrial professionals, while also perpetuating forms of racial and economic inequality within metropolitan Boston and in the Democratic Party's priorities.
Judith N. McArthur and Harold L. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195304862
- eISBN:
- 9780199871537
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304862.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter analyzes women's post-suffrage effort to gain power in the political parties whilst at the same time maintaining a separate female political culture shaped by the voluntary association ...
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This chapter analyzes women's post-suffrage effort to gain power in the political parties whilst at the same time maintaining a separate female political culture shaped by the voluntary association tradition. Minnie Fisher Cunningham personified this duality in the early 1920s. In 1924 she was elected second vice president of the League of Women Voters, with the responsibility for strengthening state chapters and running a national Get Out the Vote Campaign. At the same time, she served with Eleanor Roosevelt on the Women's Democratic Advisory Committee, seeking influence for women within the Democratic Party. By the mid-1920s she was training women as Democratic organizers and working closely with Emily Newell Blair, head of the Women's Division of the Democratic Party. At Blair's request, she was appointed resident director of the failing Woman's National Democratic Club in Washington, D.C.; Cunningham presided over its rejuvenation and became a spokeswoman for the party.Less
This chapter analyzes women's post-suffrage effort to gain power in the political parties whilst at the same time maintaining a separate female political culture shaped by the voluntary association tradition. Minnie Fisher Cunningham personified this duality in the early 1920s. In 1924 she was elected second vice president of the League of Women Voters, with the responsibility for strengthening state chapters and running a national Get Out the Vote Campaign. At the same time, she served with Eleanor Roosevelt on the Women's Democratic Advisory Committee, seeking influence for women within the Democratic Party. By the mid-1920s she was training women as Democratic organizers and working closely with Emily Newell Blair, head of the Women's Division of the Democratic Party. At Blair's request, she was appointed resident director of the failing Woman's National Democratic Club in Washington, D.C.; Cunningham presided over its rejuvenation and became a spokeswoman for the party.
John R. Petrocik
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199764013
- eISBN:
- 9780199897186
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199764013.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The chapter is a narrative about the diversity of the American party coalitions and how that diversity influences the issue agendas of the parties, the conduct of elections, and, particularly, the ...
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The chapter is a narrative about the diversity of the American party coalitions and how that diversity influences the issue agendas of the parties, the conduct of elections, and, particularly, the relationship between issue preferences and voting choices in the contemporary period. The analysis demonstrates that election dynamics are largely unchanged despite a substantial restructuring of the party coalitions over the last few decades. The current parties are more symbolically polarized but they continue to be internally fractured by many issues. The result is electoral competition between parties that require candidates and office-holders who can broker centrifugal diversity and capitalize on it in order to win elections. Losses precipitate struggles within the losing party in an effort to come to terms with their diversity.Less
The chapter is a narrative about the diversity of the American party coalitions and how that diversity influences the issue agendas of the parties, the conduct of elections, and, particularly, the relationship between issue preferences and voting choices in the contemporary period. The analysis demonstrates that election dynamics are largely unchanged despite a substantial restructuring of the party coalitions over the last few decades. The current parties are more symbolically polarized but they continue to be internally fractured by many issues. The result is electoral competition between parties that require candidates and office-holders who can broker centrifugal diversity and capitalize on it in order to win elections. Losses precipitate struggles within the losing party in an effort to come to terms with their diversity.
Judith N. McArthur and Harold L. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195304862
- eISBN:
- 9780199871537
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304862.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Minnie Fisher Cunningham was Texas's most important 20th-century political activist. Best known for directing Texas's successful woman suffrage campaign, she played an important role in the national ...
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Minnie Fisher Cunningham was Texas's most important 20th-century political activist. Best known for directing Texas's successful woman suffrage campaign, she played an important role in the national suffrage movement, helped to establish the League of Women Voters, and served as its first executive secretary. One of the first American women to pursue a career in party politics, she was a founder and resident director of the Woman's National Democratic Club, and in 1927 became acting head of the Women's Division of the Democratic National Committee. Cunningham ran unsuccessfully for the U. S. Senate from Texas in 1928, and in the late 1930s returned to Washington, D.C. to work for the New Deal. She was so successful in presenting its policies to women's groups that the Democratic National Committee considered her the South's best political organizer. From 1944, when she ran for governor as a pro-New Deal candidate, until the end of her life, she was a leader of the Texas liberal movement and helped build an electoral coalition of women, minorities and male reformers within the Texas Democratic Party. An advocate for farmers and labor unions, and an opponent of gender, class, and racial discrimination in a conservative state, she helped to develop a Left Feminism allied with left-liberal organizations to press for expanded democracy and fundamental social change. Her forty years of activism helps fill in the still-emerging narrative of female political activism between the demise of the first women's movement after 1920 and the rebirth of feminism in the 1960s.Less
Minnie Fisher Cunningham was Texas's most important 20th-century political activist. Best known for directing Texas's successful woman suffrage campaign, she played an important role in the national suffrage movement, helped to establish the League of Women Voters, and served as its first executive secretary. One of the first American women to pursue a career in party politics, she was a founder and resident director of the Woman's National Democratic Club, and in 1927 became acting head of the Women's Division of the Democratic National Committee. Cunningham ran unsuccessfully for the U. S. Senate from Texas in 1928, and in the late 1930s returned to Washington, D.C. to work for the New Deal. She was so successful in presenting its policies to women's groups that the Democratic National Committee considered her the South's best political organizer. From 1944, when she ran for governor as a pro-New Deal candidate, until the end of her life, she was a leader of the Texas liberal movement and helped build an electoral coalition of women, minorities and male reformers within the Texas Democratic Party. An advocate for farmers and labor unions, and an opponent of gender, class, and racial discrimination in a conservative state, she helped to develop a Left Feminism allied with left-liberal organizations to press for expanded democracy and fundamental social change. Her forty years of activism helps fill in the still-emerging narrative of female political activism between the demise of the first women's movement after 1920 and the rebirth of feminism in the 1960s.
David Domke and Kevin Coe
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195326413
- eISBN:
- 9780199870431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326413.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter reflects on the workings of the God strategy, and on what its omnipresence means for American democracy. The God strategy's “golden rule” — exhibit faith, but don't be too strident or ...
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This chapter reflects on the workings of the God strategy, and on what its omnipresence means for American democracy. The God strategy's “golden rule” — exhibit faith, but don't be too strident or nakedly partisan in doing so — is discussed in relation to the 1992 presidential election and the 2006 midterm elections. In both cases, Republicans pushed too hard with the God strategy while Democrats responded with a religious politics of their own. And in both cases, the result was Democratic electoral gains. The chapter then discusses how America's current brand of religious politics puts at risk the Founding Fathers' vision for a democracy that would protect the church from the state and the state from the church. The chapter concludes by considering the role that mass media, the public education system, and religious institutions can play in preserving Constitutional protections.Less
This chapter reflects on the workings of the God strategy, and on what its omnipresence means for American democracy. The God strategy's “golden rule” — exhibit faith, but don't be too strident or nakedly partisan in doing so — is discussed in relation to the 1992 presidential election and the 2006 midterm elections. In both cases, Republicans pushed too hard with the God strategy while Democrats responded with a religious politics of their own. And in both cases, the result was Democratic electoral gains. The chapter then discusses how America's current brand of religious politics puts at risk the Founding Fathers' vision for a democracy that would protect the church from the state and the state from the church. The chapter concludes by considering the role that mass media, the public education system, and religious institutions can play in preserving Constitutional protections.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on the founding and maintenance of southern authoritarian enclaves during the period 1890–1940. It interprets the post-1890s South as a set of stable enclaves of authoritarian ...
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This chapter focuses on the founding and maintenance of southern authoritarian enclaves during the period 1890–1940. It interprets the post-1890s South as a set of stable enclaves of authoritarian rule, in contrast to the common view that it was a region of “herrenvolk” democracy—democracy for whites but not for blacks. The chapter first provides an overview of the birth of southern enclaves, tracing the history of the South before the Civil War to Reconstruction and enclave foundings. It then considers the project of southern “democracy,” black politics under enclave rule, and the South's democratization between 1944 and 1972. It also examines interventions that posed challenges to all southern enclaves, including the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education, President Harry S. Truman and the National Democratic Party's embrace of racial equality, and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.Less
This chapter focuses on the founding and maintenance of southern authoritarian enclaves during the period 1890–1940. It interprets the post-1890s South as a set of stable enclaves of authoritarian rule, in contrast to the common view that it was a region of “herrenvolk” democracy—democracy for whites but not for blacks. The chapter first provides an overview of the birth of southern enclaves, tracing the history of the South before the Civil War to Reconstruction and enclave foundings. It then considers the project of southern “democracy,” black politics under enclave rule, and the South's democratization between 1944 and 1972. It also examines interventions that posed challenges to all southern enclaves, including the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education, President Harry S. Truman and the National Democratic Party's embrace of racial equality, and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
Lily Geismer
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157238
- eISBN:
- 9781400852420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157238.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter discusses how the 1972 election marked a key moment in moving the Democratic Party's center of gravity toward suburbanites on Route 128 and away from its traditional urban union base. As ...
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This chapter discusses how the 1972 election marked a key moment in moving the Democratic Party's center of gravity toward suburbanites on Route 128 and away from its traditional urban union base. As knowledge professionals became an ever more crucial Democratic constituency, the shift created impediments to developing both political coalitions and policies that promoted organized labor. The 1972 election results along Route 128 ultimately demonstrate that scientists and engineers, and the issues that concerned them, had moved to the center of the party's new electoral coalition. At the center of the constituencies' priorities were now not just civil rights, environmental protection, taxes, property values, and opposition to the Vietnam War, but also inflation and especially unemployment. This set of concerns revealed that neither the 1972 election nor the Route 128 area was an outlier but a portent of the economic problems and political tensions of the decade to come.Less
This chapter discusses how the 1972 election marked a key moment in moving the Democratic Party's center of gravity toward suburbanites on Route 128 and away from its traditional urban union base. As knowledge professionals became an ever more crucial Democratic constituency, the shift created impediments to developing both political coalitions and policies that promoted organized labor. The 1972 election results along Route 128 ultimately demonstrate that scientists and engineers, and the issues that concerned them, had moved to the center of the party's new electoral coalition. At the center of the constituencies' priorities were now not just civil rights, environmental protection, taxes, property values, and opposition to the Vietnam War, but also inflation and especially unemployment. This set of concerns revealed that neither the 1972 election nor the Route 128 area was an outlier but a portent of the economic problems and political tensions of the decade to come.
James Mitchell and Michael Cavanagh
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242143.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). ...
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Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). It shows how each has, in different ways, used EU integration strategically and tactically to advance its claims. This seeming paradox, of nationalist parties supporting institutions that aim to remove power from the nation, can be explained in a number of ways, all involving some degree of redefinition of the nature of nationalism in the context of globalization.Less
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). It shows how each has, in different ways, used EU integration strategically and tactically to advance its claims. This seeming paradox, of nationalist parties supporting institutions that aim to remove power from the nation, can be explained in a number of ways, all involving some degree of redefinition of the nature of nationalism in the context of globalization.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter documents the links between Paisley's church and his party. It discusses church reservations about involvement in politics and party attempts to reconcile religious preferences with ...
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This chapter documents the links between Paisley's church and his party. It discusses church reservations about involvement in politics and party attempts to reconcile religious preferences with vote-winning. It also considers the impact of electoral success and generational succession on the party's principles. It concludes that contrary to popular images of a party divided in young secular and older religious wings, the DUP remains firmly united.Less
This chapter documents the links between Paisley's church and his party. It discusses church reservations about involvement in politics and party attempts to reconcile religious preferences with vote-winning. It also considers the impact of electoral success and generational succession on the party's principles. It concludes that contrary to popular images of a party divided in young secular and older religious wings, the DUP remains firmly united.
David Domke and Kevin Coe
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195326413
- eISBN:
- 9780199870431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326413.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter tracks the rise of religious politics in modern America, from the Scopes trial to the Cold War to the civil rights movement, and ultimately to the mobilization of religious conservatives ...
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This chapter tracks the rise of religious politics in modern America, from the Scopes trial to the Cold War to the civil rights movement, and ultimately to the mobilization of religious conservatives in the 1970s and 1980s behind leaders such as Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson. It then describes four religious signals that politicians since 1980 have used to appeal to these newly mobilized religious conservatives and to political moderates who nonetheless want politicians to be people of faith. These signals — speaking the language of the faithful; fusing God and country; embracing religious symbols, practices, and rituals; and emphasizing bellwether moral issues — are perfectly suited for the modern media environment in which citizens must look for simple ways to navigate endless amounts of information. The chapter concludes by tracking trends in citizens' political identification, showing that Republicans have gained significant ground over that past several decades, and that evangelical protestants and Catholics have become crucial coalitions within the party.Less
This chapter tracks the rise of religious politics in modern America, from the Scopes trial to the Cold War to the civil rights movement, and ultimately to the mobilization of religious conservatives in the 1970s and 1980s behind leaders such as Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson. It then describes four religious signals that politicians since 1980 have used to appeal to these newly mobilized religious conservatives and to political moderates who nonetheless want politicians to be people of faith. These signals — speaking the language of the faithful; fusing God and country; embracing religious symbols, practices, and rituals; and emphasizing bellwether moral issues — are perfectly suited for the modern media environment in which citizens must look for simple ways to navigate endless amounts of information. The chapter concludes by tracking trends in citizens' political identification, showing that Republicans have gained significant ground over that past several decades, and that evangelical protestants and Catholics have become crucial coalitions within the party.
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Analyses the strategy of the opposition Labour party in the 1983 general election and the role of the newly created Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the political life in Britain at the beginning of ...
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Analyses the strategy of the opposition Labour party in the 1983 general election and the role of the newly created Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the political life in Britain at the beginning of the 1980s. The authors draw the conclusion that voters do not base their decisions only on issues important for them but, entirely rationally, give more weight to the issues on which the parties are polarized. Unfortunately for the Labour in 1983, it was unpopular on the issues where the parties were polarized such as nationalization and nuclear disarmament, and which therefore counted a lot, and its popular issues— unemployment and taxation—were ones where there was less perceived difference between the parties. In the 1983 election, Labour also lost some votes because the SDP positioned itself to the left of centre, competing for the left‐of‐centre ground and actually winning as many votes as Labour did from the moderate left. The reasons for this were a mixture of Labour's ideological extremism and perceived incompetence and division. The evidence also suggests that competence and policy are not the sole ingredients in the voter's calculus; loyalty, tradition and the more affective or emotional ties that link voters to parties account partly for the way the electorate votes.Less
Analyses the strategy of the opposition Labour party in the 1983 general election and the role of the newly created Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the political life in Britain at the beginning of the 1980s. The authors draw the conclusion that voters do not base their decisions only on issues important for them but, entirely rationally, give more weight to the issues on which the parties are polarized. Unfortunately for the Labour in 1983, it was unpopular on the issues where the parties were polarized such as nationalization and nuclear disarmament, and which therefore counted a lot, and its popular issues— unemployment and taxation—were ones where there was less perceived difference between the parties. In the 1983 election, Labour also lost some votes because the SDP positioned itself to the left of centre, competing for the left‐of‐centre ground and actually winning as many votes as Labour did from the moderate left. The reasons for this were a mixture of Labour's ideological extremism and perceived incompetence and division. The evidence also suggests that competence and policy are not the sole ingredients in the voter's calculus; loyalty, tradition and the more affective or emotional ties that link voters to parties account partly for the way the electorate votes.
