Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was ...
More
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was founded in 1988 from a merger of two hitherto independent but allied parties: the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. The former had existed in different forms for more than 300 years, whereas the latter emerged from a split in the Labour Party in 1981. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was founded in 1988 from a merger of two hitherto independent but allied parties: the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. The former had existed in different forms for more than 300 years, whereas the latter emerged from a split in the Labour Party in 1981. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.
Susan E. Scarrow
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279181
- eISBN:
- 9780191600166
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279183.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the ...
More
Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the parties’ leaderships and in their electoral fortunes, and provides an overview of some of the period's most important party decisions that affect membership structures and rules.Less
Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the parties’ leaderships and in their electoral fortunes, and provides an overview of some of the period's most important party decisions that affect membership structures and rules.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist ...
More
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.Less
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
At the start of the Troubles, Paisley led the smallest of three strands of conservative unionist opposition to change. By 2004, the DUP had displaced the Ulster Unionist party from a position of ...
More
At the start of the Troubles, Paisley led the smallest of three strands of conservative unionist opposition to change. By 2004, the DUP had displaced the Ulster Unionist party from a position of dominance it had enjoyed for over eighty years. This chapter details and explains the rise of the DUP.Less
At the start of the Troubles, Paisley led the smallest of three strands of conservative unionist opposition to change. By 2004, the DUP had displaced the Ulster Unionist party from a position of dominance it had enjoyed for over eighty years. This chapter details and explains the rise of the DUP.
Steven R. Reed and Michael F. Thies
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter, on the causes of electoral reform in Japan, reviews the movement from an extreme electoral (hyper‐personalistic) system in which candidates of the same party competed against one ...
More
This chapter, on the causes of electoral reform in Japan, reviews the movement from an extreme electoral (hyper‐personalistic) system in which candidates of the same party competed against one another in three‐ to five‐seat districts (in a single non‐transferable vote system, SNTV) to a mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system that eliminated intraparty competition. It is argued that short‐term act‐contingent motivations played a necessary role in passing political reform, and that by January 1994, when the reform bills finally passed into law, no politician could publicly oppose political reform, even though some felt freer to grumble about it. The main sections of the chapter are: The Pathologies of SNTV: Who Hated What?; A Brief History of Failed Electoral Reform Efforts—1956 to 1991; The Fall and Rise of the LDP (Liberal Democratic Party): Electoral Reform in 1993–4; Analysis: The Causes of Electoral Reform.Less
This chapter, on the causes of electoral reform in Japan, reviews the movement from an extreme electoral (hyper‐personalistic) system in which candidates of the same party competed against one another in three‐ to five‐seat districts (in a single non‐transferable vote system, SNTV) to a mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system that eliminated intraparty competition. It is argued that short‐term act‐contingent motivations played a necessary role in passing political reform, and that by January 1994, when the reform bills finally passed into law, no politician could publicly oppose political reform, even though some felt freer to grumble about it. The main sections of the chapter are: The Pathologies of SNTV: Who Hated What?; A Brief History of Failed Electoral Reform Efforts—1956 to 1991; The Fall and Rise of the LDP (Liberal Democratic Party): Electoral Reform in 1993–4; Analysis: The Causes of Electoral Reform.
John R.
Petrocik
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199764013
- eISBN:
- 9780199897186
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199764013.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The chapter is a narrative about the diversity of the American party coalitions and how that diversity influences the issue agendas of the parties, the conduct of elections, and, particularly, the ...
More
The chapter is a narrative about the diversity of the American party coalitions and how that diversity influences the issue agendas of the parties, the conduct of elections, and, particularly, the relationship between issue preferences and voting choices in the contemporary period. The analysis demonstrates that election dynamics are largely unchanged despite a substantial restructuring of the party coalitions over the last few decades. The current parties are more symbolically polarized but they continue to be internally fractured by many issues. The result is electoral competition between parties that require candidates and office-holders who can broker centrifugal diversity and capitalize on it in order to win elections. Losses precipitate struggles within the losing party in an effort to come to terms with their diversity.Less
The chapter is a narrative about the diversity of the American party coalitions and how that diversity influences the issue agendas of the parties, the conduct of elections, and, particularly, the relationship between issue preferences and voting choices in the contemporary period. The analysis demonstrates that election dynamics are largely unchanged despite a substantial restructuring of the party coalitions over the last few decades. The current parties are more symbolically polarized but they continue to be internally fractured by many issues. The result is electoral competition between parties that require candidates and office-holders who can broker centrifugal diversity and capitalize on it in order to win elections. Losses precipitate struggles within the losing party in an effort to come to terms with their diversity.
Judith N. McArthur and Harold L. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195304862
- eISBN:
- 9780199871537
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304862.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter analyzes women's post-suffrage effort to gain power in the political parties whilst at the same time maintaining a separate female political culture shaped by the voluntary association ...
More
This chapter analyzes women's post-suffrage effort to gain power in the political parties whilst at the same time maintaining a separate female political culture shaped by the voluntary association tradition. Minnie Fisher Cunningham personified this duality in the early 1920s. In 1924 she was elected second vice president of the League of Women Voters, with the responsibility for strengthening state chapters and running a national Get Out the Vote Campaign. At the same time, she served with Eleanor Roosevelt on the Women's Democratic Advisory Committee, seeking influence for women within the Democratic Party. By the mid-1920s she was training women as Democratic organizers and working closely with Emily Newell Blair, head of the Women's Division of the Democratic Party. At Blair's request, she was appointed resident director of the failing Woman's National Democratic Club in Washington, D.C.; Cunningham presided over its rejuvenation and became a spokeswoman for the party.Less
This chapter analyzes women's post-suffrage effort to gain power in the political parties whilst at the same time maintaining a separate female political culture shaped by the voluntary association tradition. Minnie Fisher Cunningham personified this duality in the early 1920s. In 1924 she was elected second vice president of the League of Women Voters, with the responsibility for strengthening state chapters and running a national Get Out the Vote Campaign. At the same time, she served with Eleanor Roosevelt on the Women's Democratic Advisory Committee, seeking influence for women within the Democratic Party. By the mid-1920s she was training women as Democratic organizers and working closely with Emily Newell Blair, head of the Women's Division of the Democratic Party. At Blair's request, she was appointed resident director of the failing Woman's National Democratic Club in Washington, D.C.; Cunningham presided over its rejuvenation and became a spokeswoman for the party.
Judith N. McArthur and Harold L. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195304862
- eISBN:
- 9780199871537
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304862.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Minnie Fisher Cunningham was Texas's most important 20th-century political activist. Best known for directing Texas's successful woman suffrage campaign, she played an important role in the national ...
More
Minnie Fisher Cunningham was Texas's most important 20th-century political activist. Best known for directing Texas's successful woman suffrage campaign, she played an important role in the national suffrage movement, helped to establish the League of Women Voters, and served as its first executive secretary. One of the first American women to pursue a career in party politics, she was a founder and resident director of the Woman's National Democratic Club, and in 1927 became acting head of the Women's Division of the Democratic National Committee. Cunningham ran unsuccessfully for the U. S. Senate from Texas in 1928, and in the late 1930s returned to Washington, D.C. to work for the New Deal. She was so successful in presenting its policies to women's groups that the Democratic National Committee considered her the South's best political organizer. From 1944, when she ran for governor as a pro-New Deal candidate, until the end of her life, she was a leader of the Texas liberal movement and helped build an electoral coalition of women, minorities and male reformers within the Texas Democratic Party. An advocate for farmers and labor unions, and an opponent of gender, class, and racial discrimination in a conservative state, she helped to develop a Left Feminism allied with left-liberal organizations to press for expanded democracy and fundamental social change. Her forty years of activism helps fill in the still-emerging narrative of female political activism between the demise of the first women's movement after 1920 and the rebirth of feminism in the 1960s.Less
Minnie Fisher Cunningham was Texas's most important 20th-century political activist. Best known for directing Texas's successful woman suffrage campaign, she played an important role in the national suffrage movement, helped to establish the League of Women Voters, and served as its first executive secretary. One of the first American women to pursue a career in party politics, she was a founder and resident director of the Woman's National Democratic Club, and in 1927 became acting head of the Women's Division of the Democratic National Committee. Cunningham ran unsuccessfully for the U. S. Senate from Texas in 1928, and in the late 1930s returned to Washington, D.C. to work for the New Deal. She was so successful in presenting its policies to women's groups that the Democratic National Committee considered her the South's best political organizer. From 1944, when she ran for governor as a pro-New Deal candidate, until the end of her life, she was a leader of the Texas liberal movement and helped build an electoral coalition of women, minorities and male reformers within the Texas Democratic Party. An advocate for farmers and labor unions, and an opponent of gender, class, and racial discrimination in a conservative state, she helped to develop a Left Feminism allied with left-liberal organizations to press for expanded democracy and fundamental social change. Her forty years of activism helps fill in the still-emerging narrative of female political activism between the demise of the first women's movement after 1920 and the rebirth of feminism in the 1960s.
David Domke and Kevin Coe
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195326413
- eISBN:
- 9780199870431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326413.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter reflects on the workings of the God strategy, and on what its omnipresence means for American democracy. The God strategy's “golden rule” — exhibit faith, but don't be too strident or ...
More
This chapter reflects on the workings of the God strategy, and on what its omnipresence means for American democracy. The God strategy's “golden rule” — exhibit faith, but don't be too strident or nakedly partisan in doing so — is discussed in relation to the 1992 presidential election and the 2006 midterm elections. In both cases, Republicans pushed too hard with the God strategy while Democrats responded with a religious politics of their own. And in both cases, the result was Democratic electoral gains. The chapter then discusses how America's current brand of religious politics puts at risk the Founding Fathers' vision for a democracy that would protect the church from the state and the state from the church. The chapter concludes by considering the role that mass media, the public education system, and religious institutions can play in preserving Constitutional protections.Less
This chapter reflects on the workings of the God strategy, and on what its omnipresence means for American democracy. The God strategy's “golden rule” — exhibit faith, but don't be too strident or nakedly partisan in doing so — is discussed in relation to the 1992 presidential election and the 2006 midterm elections. In both cases, Republicans pushed too hard with the God strategy while Democrats responded with a religious politics of their own. And in both cases, the result was Democratic electoral gains. The chapter then discusses how America's current brand of religious politics puts at risk the Founding Fathers' vision for a democracy that would protect the church from the state and the state from the church. The chapter concludes by considering the role that mass media, the public education system, and religious institutions can play in preserving Constitutional protections.
James Mitchell and Michael Cavanagh
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242143.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). ...
More
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). It shows how each has, in different ways, used EU integration strategically and tactically to advance its claims. This seeming paradox, of nationalist parties supporting institutions that aim to remove power from the nation, can be explained in a number of ways, all involving some degree of redefinition of the nature of nationalism in the context of globalization.Less
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). It shows how each has, in different ways, used EU integration strategically and tactically to advance its claims. This seeming paradox, of nationalist parties supporting institutions that aim to remove power from the nation, can be explained in a number of ways, all involving some degree of redefinition of the nature of nationalism in the context of globalization.
