Michael Moran
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199247578
- eISBN:
- 9780191601996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199247579.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the competing images of the regulatory state. It looks at the regulatory state as an American state, a European Madisonian state, a smart state, and a risk state. It then ...
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This chapter examines the competing images of the regulatory state. It looks at the regulatory state as an American state, a European Madisonian state, a smart state, and a risk state. It then analyses the British state as a regulatory state. The discussion of risk society and regulatory society sketches a very different kind of hypothetical understanding, one that promises to account for the hyper-innovation of recent decades.Less
This chapter examines the competing images of the regulatory state. It looks at the regulatory state as an American state, a European Madisonian state, a smart state, and a risk state. It then analyses the British state as a regulatory state. The discussion of risk society and regulatory society sketches a very different kind of hypothetical understanding, one that promises to account for the hyper-innovation of recent decades.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In order to interpret the debate over the ratification of the US Constitution as a debate over state formation, it is necessary to know something both about the development of the European state in ...
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In order to interpret the debate over the ratification of the US Constitution as a debate over state formation, it is necessary to know something both about the development of the European state in the early modern period and about the ideological response that this development generated. The aim of this chapter is therefore to provide a historical sociology of state building. The first three sections discuss the development of the British state after the Glorious Revolution of 1688–89 (the deposition of James II and the accession of William III and Mary II to the English throne), concentrating on Britain not because it was by far the most common point of reference in the ratification debate, but rather because no other government was nearly as successful as the British when it came to raising taxes and mobilizing resources and men. The emphasis on discussion of Britain is not meant to imply that the Constitution was adopted in order to introduce a British “fiscal‐military state” in America, but rather to demonstrate that there were certain limits to the expansion of the central government in the USA that did not apply in Britain. Precisely for this reason, the state created by the Federalists was very different from the contemporary British state, and the last two sections of the chapter address the basis of these differences.Less
In order to interpret the debate over the ratification of the US Constitution as a debate over state formation, it is necessary to know something both about the development of the European state in the early modern period and about the ideological response that this development generated. The aim of this chapter is therefore to provide a historical sociology of state building. The first three sections discuss the development of the British state after the Glorious Revolution of 1688–89 (the deposition of James II and the accession of William III and Mary II to the English throne), concentrating on Britain not because it was by far the most common point of reference in the ratification debate, but rather because no other government was nearly as successful as the British when it came to raising taxes and mobilizing resources and men. The emphasis on discussion of Britain is not meant to imply that the Constitution was adopted in order to introduce a British “fiscal‐military state” in America, but rather to demonstrate that there were certain limits to the expansion of the central government in the USA that did not apply in Britain. Precisely for this reason, the state created by the Federalists was very different from the contemporary British state, and the last two sections of the chapter address the basis of these differences.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
It would be a fundamental mistake to assume a priori a complete correspondence between the historical sociology of state formation and the conceptual history of the “state,” or, in more general ...
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It would be a fundamental mistake to assume a priori a complete correspondence between the historical sociology of state formation and the conceptual history of the “state,” or, in more general terms, between institutional and intellectual development, and between political reality and political rhetoric. Equally, it would be a mistake to assume that there is no relation whatsoever, and it would have been remarkable if the great expansion of the fiscal and military capacity of central government in Britain in the early modern period had gone unnoticed by contemporaries, so as to leave no mark on historical, political, and social reflection. Shows that the European process of state formation had indeed influenced political commentary in giving rise to arguments analyzing and criticizing the growth of the state, and that these arguments found their way across the Atlantic from Britain to the American colonies in the form of “Country” thought, which gave rise to a complete vocabulary with which to respond to the growth of the British fiscal‐military state in the Anglo‐American world of political discourse. In fact, Antifederalism can be described as an expression of Country thought, although it cannot at the same time be claimed that Federalism was a repetition of the contrasting central Court defense of state expansion.Less
It would be a fundamental mistake to assume a priori a complete correspondence between the historical sociology of state formation and the conceptual history of the “state,” or, in more general terms, between institutional and intellectual development, and between political reality and political rhetoric. Equally, it would be a mistake to assume that there is no relation whatsoever, and it would have been remarkable if the great expansion of the fiscal and military capacity of central government in Britain in the early modern period had gone unnoticed by contemporaries, so as to leave no mark on historical, political, and social reflection. Shows that the European process of state formation had indeed influenced political commentary in giving rise to arguments analyzing and criticizing the growth of the state, and that these arguments found their way across the Atlantic from Britain to the American colonies in the form of “Country” thought, which gave rise to a complete vocabulary with which to respond to the growth of the British fiscal‐military state in the Anglo‐American world of political discourse. In fact, Antifederalism can be described as an expression of Country thought, although it cannot at the same time be claimed that Federalism was a repetition of the contrasting central Court defense of state expansion.
P. J. MARSHALL
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199226665
- eISBN:
- 9780191706813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226665.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Political History
‘Empire’ in this book is interpreted as the imposition of rule by a state over territory and people overseas. In the mid-eighteenth century, the British state greatly increased its ambitions to make ...
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‘Empire’ in this book is interpreted as the imposition of rule by a state over territory and people overseas. In the mid-eighteenth century, the British state greatly increased its ambitions to make its claims to rule overseas effective. By then the British state was quite a formidable one by contemporary standards. It had a high capacity to raise money by taxes and borrowing to enable it to wage war on land and sea. Its ability to supervise the administration of overseas affairs was less developed. American and West Indian colonies were largely self-governing and British interests in India were in the hands of the chartered East India Company. The stresses of the Seven Years War brought about strong pressures for increasing the role of the state in the management of overseas possessions.Less
‘Empire’ in this book is interpreted as the imposition of rule by a state over territory and people overseas. In the mid-eighteenth century, the British state greatly increased its ambitions to make its claims to rule overseas effective. By then the British state was quite a formidable one by contemporary standards. It had a high capacity to raise money by taxes and borrowing to enable it to wage war on land and sea. Its ability to supervise the administration of overseas affairs was less developed. American and West Indian colonies were largely self-governing and British interests in India were in the hands of the chartered East India Company. The stresses of the Seven Years War brought about strong pressures for increasing the role of the state in the management of overseas possessions.
P. J. MARSHALL
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199226665
- eISBN:
- 9780191706813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226665.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Political History
Anglo-French worldwide rivalry extended to India, where both nations traded through their East India companies. This rivalry, which had led to almost continuous warfare since the 1740s, merged into ...
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Anglo-French worldwide rivalry extended to India, where both nations traded through their East India companies. This rivalry, which had led to almost continuous warfare since the 1740s, merged into the rivalry of the Indian powers that were emerging as independent successor states from the breakdown of the Mughal Empire. The Europeans formed alliances with Indian princes. These alliances gave the British and French a potentially commanding influence over some of the Indian states. This influence led to total British control over Bengal in the events that followed the overthrow of the local ruler at the battle of Plassey in 1757. In the south, the British were able to defeat the French, but their position was weaker. Even so, by the end of the war the British East India Company had become a major territorial power in India, closely allied to the British state.Less
Anglo-French worldwide rivalry extended to India, where both nations traded through their East India companies. This rivalry, which had led to almost continuous warfare since the 1740s, merged into the rivalry of the Indian powers that were emerging as independent successor states from the breakdown of the Mughal Empire. The Europeans formed alliances with Indian princes. These alliances gave the British and French a potentially commanding influence over some of the Indian states. This influence led to total British control over Bengal in the events that followed the overthrow of the local ruler at the battle of Plassey in 1757. In the south, the British were able to defeat the French, but their position was weaker. Even so, by the end of the war the British East India Company had become a major territorial power in India, closely allied to the British state.
Stephen Conway
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199253753
- eISBN:
- 9780191719738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199253753.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter considers the strength of the British state as a war-waging force, and its working with other groups beyond its complete control. Partnerships of various kinds were forced on, or engaged ...
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This chapter considers the strength of the British state as a war-waging force, and its working with other groups beyond its complete control. Partnerships of various kinds were forced on, or engaged in willingly, by the British state in order to raise the necessary quantities of human, material, and financial resources for war.Less
This chapter considers the strength of the British state as a war-waging force, and its working with other groups beyond its complete control. Partnerships of various kinds were forced on, or engaged in willingly, by the British state in order to raise the necessary quantities of human, material, and financial resources for war.
P. J. MARSHALL
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199226665
- eISBN:
- 9780191706813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226665.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Political History
The rapid growth of British territorial power in India thrust responsibility for ruling millions of people on the East India Company, a trading body seemingly quite unfit for such tasks. Yet to place ...
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The rapid growth of British territorial power in India thrust responsibility for ruling millions of people on the East India Company, a trading body seemingly quite unfit for such tasks. Yet to place India under the immediate control of the British state rather than the Company was a proposition repugnant to most eighteenth century opinion. It was feared that a state takeover of India's supposed wealth would upset the balance of the British constitution. State intervention and periodic legislation to attempt to regulate the Company and make it more fit for its responsibilities were, however, inescapable. At home the national government established its power to supervise Indian affairs, while a Company civil service evolved in Bengal capable of engaging with the problems of Indian administration. At the same time the Company developed a large army comparable to that of the crown. It was becoming an instrument of empire subordinate to the British state.Less
The rapid growth of British territorial power in India thrust responsibility for ruling millions of people on the East India Company, a trading body seemingly quite unfit for such tasks. Yet to place India under the immediate control of the British state rather than the Company was a proposition repugnant to most eighteenth century opinion. It was feared that a state takeover of India's supposed wealth would upset the balance of the British constitution. State intervention and periodic legislation to attempt to regulate the Company and make it more fit for its responsibilities were, however, inescapable. At home the national government established its power to supervise Indian affairs, while a Company civil service evolved in Bengal capable of engaging with the problems of Indian administration. At the same time the Company developed a large army comparable to that of the crown. It was becoming an instrument of empire subordinate to the British state.
Martin Loughlin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199256853
- eISBN:
- 9780191594267
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199256853.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter first outlines the main features of recent scholarly work on European state-building with a view to determining whether there are any general explanatory laws of the European ...
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This chapter first outlines the main features of recent scholarly work on European state-building with a view to determining whether there are any general explanatory laws of the European state-building process. Drawing on this general approach, it then offers an explanation of the development of the particular form of the English/British state. It argues that notwithstanding the contemporary peculiarities of the British constitution, the English system of parliamentary government has generally functioned within the European mainstream. Divergence is a relatively recent phenomenon, a consequence of the modern practice of constitution-making.Less
This chapter first outlines the main features of recent scholarly work on European state-building with a view to determining whether there are any general explanatory laws of the European state-building process. Drawing on this general approach, it then offers an explanation of the development of the particular form of the English/British state. It argues that notwithstanding the contemporary peculiarities of the British constitution, the English system of parliamentary government has generally functioned within the European mainstream. Divergence is a relatively recent phenomenon, a consequence of the modern practice of constitution-making.
Tony Ballantyne
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198078012
- eISBN:
- 9780199080984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198078012.003.0058
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter assesses the development of Sikh culture and politics in Britain in the post-World War II period, stressing the ways in which ideas about 'Sikh identity' were formed through engagement ...
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This chapter assesses the development of Sikh culture and politics in Britain in the post-World War II period, stressing the ways in which ideas about 'Sikh identity' were formed through engagement with the British state. It also argues that Sikh identity was defined through a shifting set of engagements with other 'new' communities, including Afro-Caribbean and South Asian Muslim migrants. While the chapter locates the discourses and practices that framed these ideas about Sikhism within a longer tradition of Punjabi cultural definition, it highlights the particular pressures that the changing nature of British governmental policy (multiculturalism) and the politics of race and religion in Britain inflected visions of what it is to be a Sikh.Less
This chapter assesses the development of Sikh culture and politics in Britain in the post-World War II period, stressing the ways in which ideas about 'Sikh identity' were formed through engagement with the British state. It also argues that Sikh identity was defined through a shifting set of engagements with other 'new' communities, including Afro-Caribbean and South Asian Muslim migrants. While the chapter locates the discourses and practices that framed these ideas about Sikhism within a longer tradition of Punjabi cultural definition, it highlights the particular pressures that the changing nature of British governmental policy (multiculturalism) and the politics of race and religion in Britain inflected visions of what it is to be a Sikh.
Julian Le Grand
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266999
- eISBN:
- 9780191600869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266999.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Assumptions concerning human motivation—the internal desires or preferences that incite action—and agency—the capacity to undertake that action—are key to both the design and the implementation of ...
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Assumptions concerning human motivation—the internal desires or preferences that incite action—and agency—the capacity to undertake that action—are key to both the design and the implementation of public policy. So, for instance, a policy instrument designed on the assumption that people are motivated primarily by their own self‐interest—that they are, in the words of David Hume quoted at the beginning of the book, knaves—would be quite different from one constructed on the assumption that people are predominantly public‐spirited or altruistic: that they are what we might term, in contrast to knaves, knights. Similarly, a policy that took no account of individuals’ capacity for independent action—one that treated those working in the public sector or those who received its benefits as passive victims of circumstance, or pawns—would be different from one that treated workers or recipients as active agents, i.e. not as the least powerful piece on the chessboard, the pawn, but as the most powerful, the queen. This chapter illustrates these propositions by reference to the evolution of the British welfare state since World War II, showing how it was initially designed to be run by knights for the benefit of pawns, but became one intended to be run by knaves for the benefit of queens.Less
Assumptions concerning human motivation—the internal desires or preferences that incite action—and agency—the capacity to undertake that action—are key to both the design and the implementation of public policy. So, for instance, a policy instrument designed on the assumption that people are motivated primarily by their own self‐interest—that they are, in the words of David Hume quoted at the beginning of the book, knaves—would be quite different from one constructed on the assumption that people are predominantly public‐spirited or altruistic: that they are what we might term, in contrast to knaves, knights. Similarly, a policy that took no account of individuals’ capacity for independent action—one that treated those working in the public sector or those who received its benefits as passive victims of circumstance, or pawns—would be different from one that treated workers or recipients as active agents, i.e. not as the least powerful piece on the chessboard, the pawn, but as the most powerful, the queen. This chapter illustrates these propositions by reference to the evolution of the British welfare state since World War II, showing how it was initially designed to be run by knights for the benefit of pawns, but became one intended to be run by knaves for the benefit of queens.
