Michael Moran
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199247578
- eISBN:
- 9780191601996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199247579.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the competing images of the regulatory state. It looks at the regulatory state as an American state, a European Madisonian state, a smart state, and a risk state. It then ...
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This chapter examines the competing images of the regulatory state. It looks at the regulatory state as an American state, a European Madisonian state, a smart state, and a risk state. It then analyses the British state as a regulatory state. The discussion of risk society and regulatory society sketches a very different kind of hypothetical understanding, one that promises to account for the hyper-innovation of recent decades.Less
This chapter examines the competing images of the regulatory state. It looks at the regulatory state as an American state, a European Madisonian state, a smart state, and a risk state. It then analyses the British state as a regulatory state. The discussion of risk society and regulatory society sketches a very different kind of hypothetical understanding, one that promises to account for the hyper-innovation of recent decades.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In order to interpret the debate over the ratification of the US Constitution as a debate over state formation, it is necessary to know something both about the development of the European state in ...
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In order to interpret the debate over the ratification of the US Constitution as a debate over state formation, it is necessary to know something both about the development of the European state in the early modern period and about the ideological response that this development generated. The aim of this chapter is therefore to provide a historical sociology of state building. The first three sections discuss the development of the British state after the Glorious Revolution of 1688–89 (the deposition of James II and the accession of William III and Mary II to the English throne), concentrating on Britain not because it was by far the most common point of reference in the ratification debate, but rather because no other government was nearly as successful as the British when it came to raising taxes and mobilizing resources and men. The emphasis on discussion of Britain is not meant to imply that the Constitution was adopted in order to introduce a British “fiscal‐military state” in America, but rather to demonstrate that there were certain limits to the expansion of the central government in the USA that did not apply in Britain. Precisely for this reason, the state created by the Federalists was very different from the contemporary British state, and the last two sections of the chapter address the basis of these differences.Less
In order to interpret the debate over the ratification of the US Constitution as a debate over state formation, it is necessary to know something both about the development of the European state in the early modern period and about the ideological response that this development generated. The aim of this chapter is therefore to provide a historical sociology of state building. The first three sections discuss the development of the British state after the Glorious Revolution of 1688–89 (the deposition of James II and the accession of William III and Mary II to the English throne), concentrating on Britain not because it was by far the most common point of reference in the ratification debate, but rather because no other government was nearly as successful as the British when it came to raising taxes and mobilizing resources and men. The emphasis on discussion of Britain is not meant to imply that the Constitution was adopted in order to introduce a British “fiscal‐military state” in America, but rather to demonstrate that there were certain limits to the expansion of the central government in the USA that did not apply in Britain. Precisely for this reason, the state created by the Federalists was very different from the contemporary British state, and the last two sections of the chapter address the basis of these differences.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
It would be a fundamental mistake to assume a priori a complete correspondence between the historical sociology of state formation and the conceptual history of the “state,” or, in more general ...
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It would be a fundamental mistake to assume a priori a complete correspondence between the historical sociology of state formation and the conceptual history of the “state,” or, in more general terms, between institutional and intellectual development, and between political reality and political rhetoric. Equally, it would be a mistake to assume that there is no relation whatsoever, and it would have been remarkable if the great expansion of the fiscal and military capacity of central government in Britain in the early modern period had gone unnoticed by contemporaries, so as to leave no mark on historical, political, and social reflection. Shows that the European process of state formation had indeed influenced political commentary in giving rise to arguments analyzing and criticizing the growth of the state, and that these arguments found their way across the Atlantic from Britain to the American colonies in the form of “Country” thought, which gave rise to a complete vocabulary with which to respond to the growth of the British fiscal‐military state in the Anglo‐American world of political discourse. In fact, Antifederalism can be described as an expression of Country thought, although it cannot at the same time be claimed that Federalism was a repetition of the contrasting central Court defense of state expansion.Less
It would be a fundamental mistake to assume a priori a complete correspondence between the historical sociology of state formation and the conceptual history of the “state,” or, in more general terms, between institutional and intellectual development, and between political reality and political rhetoric. Equally, it would be a mistake to assume that there is no relation whatsoever, and it would have been remarkable if the great expansion of the fiscal and military capacity of central government in Britain in the early modern period had gone unnoticed by contemporaries, so as to leave no mark on historical, political, and social reflection. Shows that the European process of state formation had indeed influenced political commentary in giving rise to arguments analyzing and criticizing the growth of the state, and that these arguments found their way across the Atlantic from Britain to the American colonies in the form of “Country” thought, which gave rise to a complete vocabulary with which to respond to the growth of the British fiscal‐military state in the Anglo‐American world of political discourse. In fact, Antifederalism can be described as an expression of Country thought, although it cannot at the same time be claimed that Federalism was a repetition of the contrasting central Court defense of state expansion.
P. J. MARSHALL
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199226665
- eISBN:
- 9780191706813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226665.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Political History
‘Empire’ in this book is interpreted as the imposition of rule by a state over territory and people overseas. In the mid-eighteenth century, the British state greatly increased its ambitions to make ...
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‘Empire’ in this book is interpreted as the imposition of rule by a state over territory and people overseas. In the mid-eighteenth century, the British state greatly increased its ambitions to make its claims to rule overseas effective. By then the British state was quite a formidable one by contemporary standards. It had a high capacity to raise money by taxes and borrowing to enable it to wage war on land and sea. Its ability to supervise the administration of overseas affairs was less developed. American and West Indian colonies were largely self-governing and British interests in India were in the hands of the chartered East India Company. The stresses of the Seven Years War brought about strong pressures for increasing the role of the state in the management of overseas possessions.Less
‘Empire’ in this book is interpreted as the imposition of rule by a state over territory and people overseas. In the mid-eighteenth century, the British state greatly increased its ambitions to make its claims to rule overseas effective. By then the British state was quite a formidable one by contemporary standards. It had a high capacity to raise money by taxes and borrowing to enable it to wage war on land and sea. Its ability to supervise the administration of overseas affairs was less developed. American and West Indian colonies were largely self-governing and British interests in India were in the hands of the chartered East India Company. The stresses of the Seven Years War brought about strong pressures for increasing the role of the state in the management of overseas possessions.
P. J. MARSHALL
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199226665
- eISBN:
- 9780191706813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226665.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Political History
Anglo-French worldwide rivalry extended to India, where both nations traded through their East India companies. This rivalry, which had led to almost continuous warfare since the 1740s, merged into ...
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Anglo-French worldwide rivalry extended to India, where both nations traded through their East India companies. This rivalry, which had led to almost continuous warfare since the 1740s, merged into the rivalry of the Indian powers that were emerging as independent successor states from the breakdown of the Mughal Empire. The Europeans formed alliances with Indian princes. These alliances gave the British and French a potentially commanding influence over some of the Indian states. This influence led to total British control over Bengal in the events that followed the overthrow of the local ruler at the battle of Plassey in 1757. In the south, the British were able to defeat the French, but their position was weaker. Even so, by the end of the war the British East India Company had become a major territorial power in India, closely allied to the British state.Less
Anglo-French worldwide rivalry extended to India, where both nations traded through their East India companies. This rivalry, which had led to almost continuous warfare since the 1740s, merged into the rivalry of the Indian powers that were emerging as independent successor states from the breakdown of the Mughal Empire. The Europeans formed alliances with Indian princes. These alliances gave the British and French a potentially commanding influence over some of the Indian states. This influence led to total British control over Bengal in the events that followed the overthrow of the local ruler at the battle of Plassey in 1757. In the south, the British were able to defeat the French, but their position was weaker. Even so, by the end of the war the British East India Company had become a major territorial power in India, closely allied to the British state.
Stephen Conway
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199253753
- eISBN:
- 9780191719738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199253753.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter considers the strength of the British state as a war-waging force, and its working with other groups beyond its complete control. Partnerships of various kinds were forced on, or engaged ...
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This chapter considers the strength of the British state as a war-waging force, and its working with other groups beyond its complete control. Partnerships of various kinds were forced on, or engaged in willingly, by the British state in order to raise the necessary quantities of human, material, and financial resources for war.Less
This chapter considers the strength of the British state as a war-waging force, and its working with other groups beyond its complete control. Partnerships of various kinds were forced on, or engaged in willingly, by the British state in order to raise the necessary quantities of human, material, and financial resources for war.
Martin Loughlin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199256853
- eISBN:
- 9780191594267
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199256853.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter first outlines the main features of recent scholarly work on European state-building with a view to determining whether there are any general explanatory laws of the European ...
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This chapter first outlines the main features of recent scholarly work on European state-building with a view to determining whether there are any general explanatory laws of the European state-building process. Drawing on this general approach, it then offers an explanation of the development of the particular form of the English/British state. It argues that notwithstanding the contemporary peculiarities of the British constitution, the English system of parliamentary government has generally functioned within the European mainstream. Divergence is a relatively recent phenomenon, a consequence of the modern practice of constitution-making.Less
This chapter first outlines the main features of recent scholarly work on European state-building with a view to determining whether there are any general explanatory laws of the European state-building process. Drawing on this general approach, it then offers an explanation of the development of the particular form of the English/British state. It argues that notwithstanding the contemporary peculiarities of the British constitution, the English system of parliamentary government has generally functioned within the European mainstream. Divergence is a relatively recent phenomenon, a consequence of the modern practice of constitution-making.
P. J. MARSHALL
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199226665
- eISBN:
- 9780191706813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226665.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Political History
The rapid growth of British territorial power in India thrust responsibility for ruling millions of people on the East India Company, a trading body seemingly quite unfit for such tasks. Yet to place ...
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The rapid growth of British territorial power in India thrust responsibility for ruling millions of people on the East India Company, a trading body seemingly quite unfit for such tasks. Yet to place India under the immediate control of the British state rather than the Company was a proposition repugnant to most eighteenth century opinion. It was feared that a state takeover of India's supposed wealth would upset the balance of the British constitution. State intervention and periodic legislation to attempt to regulate the Company and make it more fit for its responsibilities were, however, inescapable. At home the national government established its power to supervise Indian affairs, while a Company civil service evolved in Bengal capable of engaging with the problems of Indian administration. At the same time the Company developed a large army comparable to that of the crown. It was becoming an instrument of empire subordinate to the British state.Less
The rapid growth of British territorial power in India thrust responsibility for ruling millions of people on the East India Company, a trading body seemingly quite unfit for such tasks. Yet to place India under the immediate control of the British state rather than the Company was a proposition repugnant to most eighteenth century opinion. It was feared that a state takeover of India's supposed wealth would upset the balance of the British constitution. State intervention and periodic legislation to attempt to regulate the Company and make it more fit for its responsibilities were, however, inescapable. At home the national government established its power to supervise Indian affairs, while a Company civil service evolved in Bengal capable of engaging with the problems of Indian administration. At the same time the Company developed a large army comparable to that of the crown. It was becoming an instrument of empire subordinate to the British state.
Tony Ballantyne
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198078012
- eISBN:
- 9780199080984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198078012.003.0058
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter assesses the development of Sikh culture and politics in Britain in the post-World War II period, stressing the ways in which ideas about 'Sikh identity' were formed through engagement ...
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This chapter assesses the development of Sikh culture and politics in Britain in the post-World War II period, stressing the ways in which ideas about 'Sikh identity' were formed through engagement with the British state. It also argues that Sikh identity was defined through a shifting set of engagements with other 'new' communities, including Afro-Caribbean and South Asian Muslim migrants. While the chapter locates the discourses and practices that framed these ideas about Sikhism within a longer tradition of Punjabi cultural definition, it highlights the particular pressures that the changing nature of British governmental policy (multiculturalism) and the politics of race and religion in Britain inflected visions of what it is to be a Sikh.Less
This chapter assesses the development of Sikh culture and politics in Britain in the post-World War II period, stressing the ways in which ideas about 'Sikh identity' were formed through engagement with the British state. It also argues that Sikh identity was defined through a shifting set of engagements with other 'new' communities, including Afro-Caribbean and South Asian Muslim migrants. While the chapter locates the discourses and practices that framed these ideas about Sikhism within a longer tradition of Punjabi cultural definition, it highlights the particular pressures that the changing nature of British governmental policy (multiculturalism) and the politics of race and religion in Britain inflected visions of what it is to be a Sikh.
Steven G. Ellis
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201335
- eISBN:
- 9780191674853
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201335.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This book offers a novel perspective on Tudor government and British state formation. It argues that traditional studies focusing on lowland England as ‘the normal context of government’ exaggerate ...
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This book offers a novel perspective on Tudor government and British state formation. It argues that traditional studies focusing on lowland England as ‘the normal context of government’ exaggerate the regime's successes by marginalizing the borderlands. Frontiers were normal in early-modern Europe, however, and central to the problem of state formation. England's peripheries were more extensive than the core and provide the real yardstick by which the effectiveness of government can be measured. The book demonstrates their importance by means of a detailed comparative study of two marches—Cumbria and Ireland—and their ruling magnates. It demonstrates the flaws in early Tudor policy, characterized by long periods of neglect, interspersed with sporadic attempts to adapt, at minimal cost, a centralized administrative system geared to lowland England for the government of outlying regions which had very different social structures. The book analyses the 1534 crisis in crown-magnate relations, reassesses the resulting policy of centralization and uniformity, and identifies the central role of these developments in establishing a British pattern of state formation.Less
This book offers a novel perspective on Tudor government and British state formation. It argues that traditional studies focusing on lowland England as ‘the normal context of government’ exaggerate the regime's successes by marginalizing the borderlands. Frontiers were normal in early-modern Europe, however, and central to the problem of state formation. England's peripheries were more extensive than the core and provide the real yardstick by which the effectiveness of government can be measured. The book demonstrates their importance by means of a detailed comparative study of two marches—Cumbria and Ireland—and their ruling magnates. It demonstrates the flaws in early Tudor policy, characterized by long periods of neglect, interspersed with sporadic attempts to adapt, at minimal cost, a centralized administrative system geared to lowland England for the government of outlying regions which had very different social structures. The book analyses the 1534 crisis in crown-magnate relations, reassesses the resulting policy of centralization and uniformity, and identifies the central role of these developments in establishing a British pattern of state formation.
Julian Le Grand
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266999
- eISBN:
- 9780191600869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266999.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Assumptions concerning human motivation—the internal desires or preferences that incite action—and agency—the capacity to undertake that action—are key to both the design and the implementation of ...
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Assumptions concerning human motivation—the internal desires or preferences that incite action—and agency—the capacity to undertake that action—are key to both the design and the implementation of public policy. So, for instance, a policy instrument designed on the assumption that people are motivated primarily by their own self‐interest—that they are, in the words of David Hume quoted at the beginning of the book, knaves—would be quite different from one constructed on the assumption that people are predominantly public‐spirited or altruistic: that they are what we might term, in contrast to knaves, knights. Similarly, a policy that took no account of individuals’ capacity for independent action—one that treated those working in the public sector or those who received its benefits as passive victims of circumstance, or pawns—would be different from one that treated workers or recipients as active agents, i.e. not as the least powerful piece on the chessboard, the pawn, but as the most powerful, the queen. This chapter illustrates these propositions by reference to the evolution of the British welfare state since World War II, showing how it was initially designed to be run by knights for the benefit of pawns, but became one intended to be run by knaves for the benefit of queens.Less
Assumptions concerning human motivation—the internal desires or preferences that incite action—and agency—the capacity to undertake that action—are key to both the design and the implementation of public policy. So, for instance, a policy instrument designed on the assumption that people are motivated primarily by their own self‐interest—that they are, in the words of David Hume quoted at the beginning of the book, knaves—would be quite different from one constructed on the assumption that people are predominantly public‐spirited or altruistic: that they are what we might term, in contrast to knaves, knights. Similarly, a policy that took no account of individuals’ capacity for independent action—one that treated those working in the public sector or those who received its benefits as passive victims of circumstance, or pawns—would be different from one that treated workers or recipients as active agents, i.e. not as the least powerful piece on the chessboard, the pawn, but as the most powerful, the queen. This chapter illustrates these propositions by reference to the evolution of the British welfare state since World War II, showing how it was initially designed to be run by knights for the benefit of pawns, but became one intended to be run by knaves for the benefit of queens.
T C Smout (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263303
- eISBN:
- 9780191734137
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263303.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Union of the Crowns in 1603 is the cornerstone of the modern British state, but relations between England and Scotland did not always run smoothly in the following centuries. This volume examines ...
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The Union of the Crowns in 1603 is the cornerstone of the modern British state, but relations between England and Scotland did not always run smoothly in the following centuries. This volume examines how the neighbouring British nations regarded each other from 1603 to 1900. Why did this union last when many others in Europe fell apart? How close did it come to unravelling? What were the strengths and tricks that preserved it? As aggregations of individuals, as economies, or as systems of law and politics, how did England and Scotland mesh? Political, economic, legal, intellectual and literary historians examine the first three centuries of Union, including the reception of James in the south, the Civil Wars, the background to parliamentary union in 1707, the spoils of Empire, and the Victorian climax. Together with its companion Anglo-Scottish Relations, from 1900 to Devolution and Beyond, the volume provides a vivid account of two nations, which have often differed, remained very distinct, yet achieved endurance in European terms.Less
The Union of the Crowns in 1603 is the cornerstone of the modern British state, but relations between England and Scotland did not always run smoothly in the following centuries. This volume examines how the neighbouring British nations regarded each other from 1603 to 1900. Why did this union last when many others in Europe fell apart? How close did it come to unravelling? What were the strengths and tricks that preserved it? As aggregations of individuals, as economies, or as systems of law and politics, how did England and Scotland mesh? Political, economic, legal, intellectual and literary historians examine the first three centuries of Union, including the reception of James in the south, the Civil Wars, the background to parliamentary union in 1707, the spoils of Empire, and the Victorian climax. Together with its companion Anglo-Scottish Relations, from 1900 to Devolution and Beyond, the volume provides a vivid account of two nations, which have often differed, remained very distinct, yet achieved endurance in European terms.
Keith Brown
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263303
- eISBN:
- 9780191734137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263303.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter provides a summary on the Anglo-Scottish relations before the Covenant. It specifically addresses the medieval inheritance of Anglo-Scottish relations. Undoubtedly, the ...
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This chapter provides a summary on the Anglo-Scottish relations before the Covenant. It specifically addresses the medieval inheritance of Anglo-Scottish relations. Undoubtedly, the fourteenth-century Wars of Independence hugely influenced the development of late medieval Scotland, leaving the Scots with a legacy of popular distrust of England. The new British state system with its composite monarchies was not unique, and multiple monarchies existed elsewhere in Europe. The structures put in place for the government of the new Britain had minimal or little impact on Anglo-Scottish relations, and what is surprising is how little governmental change took place. In terms of culture, the greatly improved Anglo-Scottish relations of the early seventeenth century had a modest impact. Religion was the single most damaging evidence of Scotland's distinctive traditions being compromised, and significantly it was on this issue that the Covenanters placed greatest emphasis in their subsequent negotiations with English parliamentarians in the 1640s.Less
This chapter provides a summary on the Anglo-Scottish relations before the Covenant. It specifically addresses the medieval inheritance of Anglo-Scottish relations. Undoubtedly, the fourteenth-century Wars of Independence hugely influenced the development of late medieval Scotland, leaving the Scots with a legacy of popular distrust of England. The new British state system with its composite monarchies was not unique, and multiple monarchies existed elsewhere in Europe. The structures put in place for the government of the new Britain had minimal or little impact on Anglo-Scottish relations, and what is surprising is how little governmental change took place. In terms of culture, the greatly improved Anglo-Scottish relations of the early seventeenth century had a modest impact. Religion was the single most damaging evidence of Scotland's distinctive traditions being compromised, and significantly it was on this issue that the Covenanters placed greatest emphasis in their subsequent negotiations with English parliamentarians in the 1640s.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762281
- eISBN:
- 9780804773485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762281.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the literature that emerged in the period between high Romanticism and the Victorian era, a literature unified by a shared concern with the ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the literature that emerged in the period between high Romanticism and the Victorian era, a literature unified by a shared concern with the relationship between authorship, the state, and individual agency. It identifies a movement called “State Romanticism,” which reconceives both the state and the literary aesthetic in a manner we can understand only by studying the two together. The work of these State Romantics is discussed, and an overview of the subsequent chapters is provided.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of the literature that emerged in the period between high Romanticism and the Victorian era, a literature unified by a shared concern with the relationship between authorship, the state, and individual agency. It identifies a movement called “State Romanticism,” which reconceives both the state and the literary aesthetic in a manner we can understand only by studying the two together. The work of these State Romantics is discussed, and an overview of the subsequent chapters is provided.
Peter Hopkins and Richard Gale
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748625871
- eISBN:
- 9780748671335
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748625871.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter addresses issues regarding multiculturalism. European anxieties and phobias in relation to immigration and cultural diversity focus on Muslims more than on any other group. The relation ...
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This chapter addresses issues regarding multiculturalism. European anxieties and phobias in relation to immigration and cultural diversity focus on Muslims more than on any other group. The relation between Muslims and the wider British society and the British state has to be seen in terms of the developing agendas of racial equality and multiculturalism. A key indicator of racial discrimination and inequality has been numerical under-representation. It is shown that while Muslims raise distinctive concerns, the logic of their demands often mirrors those of other equality-seeking groups. The issue between ‘equalising upwards’ and ‘equalising downwards’ is about the legitimacy of religion as a public institutional presence. The emergence of Muslim political agency has thrown British multiculturalism into theoretical and practical disarray. The political integration or incorporation of Muslims has become the most important goal of egalitarian multiculturalism and is pivotal in shaping the security of many people across the globe.Less
This chapter addresses issues regarding multiculturalism. European anxieties and phobias in relation to immigration and cultural diversity focus on Muslims more than on any other group. The relation between Muslims and the wider British society and the British state has to be seen in terms of the developing agendas of racial equality and multiculturalism. A key indicator of racial discrimination and inequality has been numerical under-representation. It is shown that while Muslims raise distinctive concerns, the logic of their demands often mirrors those of other equality-seeking groups. The issue between ‘equalising upwards’ and ‘equalising downwards’ is about the legitimacy of religion as a public institutional presence. The emergence of Muslim political agency has thrown British multiculturalism into theoretical and practical disarray. The political integration or incorporation of Muslims has become the most important goal of egalitarian multiculturalism and is pivotal in shaping the security of many people across the globe.
Robert Colls
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199245192
- eISBN:
- 9780191697432
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245192.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the development of the English state with the making of a British state in the incremental Union of England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. The key relationship here was with ...
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This chapter discusses the development of the English state with the making of a British state in the incremental Union of England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. The key relationship here was with the Scots, though the critical one turned out to be with the Irish. The uniting of kingdoms started in 1603 when James VI of Scotland and the House of Stuart became James I of England, single monarch of two kingdoms.Less
This chapter discusses the development of the English state with the making of a British state in the incremental Union of England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. The key relationship here was with the Scots, though the critical one turned out to be with the Irish. The uniting of kingdoms started in 1603 when James VI of Scotland and the House of Stuart became James I of England, single monarch of two kingdoms.
Stewart J. Brown
- Published in print:
- 1983
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780192131140
- eISBN:
- 9780191670039
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780192131140.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Church History
In 1839, the rising tension of the controversies regarding both Church Extension and the spiritual independence of the Church, combined with the economic depression and a darkening social ...
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In 1839, the rising tension of the controversies regarding both Church Extension and the spiritual independence of the Church, combined with the economic depression and a darkening social environment, contributed to a series of religious revivals within the Church of Scotland. Chalmers, Welsh, and Gordon walked out of the General Assembly. This chapter narrates the culmination of The Disruption of 1834. The Disruption, Chalmers maintained, was not secession. Rather it was a tragic severing of the relationship between the true Church of Scotland and the British State which had broken its pledge to preserve the Church's integrity. For him, it was the Free Church that now represented the national Establishment and Christian commonwealth. To achieve the goal of a national territorial ‘establishment’, based upon the voluntary contributions, Chalmers devised his celebrated Sustentation Fund scheme.Less
In 1839, the rising tension of the controversies regarding both Church Extension and the spiritual independence of the Church, combined with the economic depression and a darkening social environment, contributed to a series of religious revivals within the Church of Scotland. Chalmers, Welsh, and Gordon walked out of the General Assembly. This chapter narrates the culmination of The Disruption of 1834. The Disruption, Chalmers maintained, was not secession. Rather it was a tragic severing of the relationship between the true Church of Scotland and the British State which had broken its pledge to preserve the Church's integrity. For him, it was the Free Church that now represented the national Establishment and Christian commonwealth. To achieve the goal of a national territorial ‘establishment’, based upon the voluntary contributions, Chalmers devised his celebrated Sustentation Fund scheme.
I. G. C. Hutchison
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263303
- eISBN:
- 9780191734137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263303.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter surveys Anglo-Scottish relations on the political scene in the nineteenth century. The English and Scottish politics in the nineteenth century were fairly well meshed together—certainly ...
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This chapter surveys Anglo-Scottish relations on the political scene in the nineteenth century. The English and Scottish politics in the nineteenth century were fairly well meshed together—certainly compared to Ireland. The extent of this political relationship can be exemplified in three areas: policy, party system, and personnel. There was a sense of grievance among Scots that their national interests and institutions were not being fairly or properly treated by the British state. There was also an inherent contradiction in their main complaints. Education was depicted as being supplanted by English values and methods. Anglo-Scottish political relations were reasonably favorable mainly because of the particular arrangements under which Scottish government was conducted. The several elements involved here are presented. At the moment of the greatest test of British unity, the proportion of Scots enlisting in the First World War was no different from the English and Welsh figures, and much higher than the Irish.Less
This chapter surveys Anglo-Scottish relations on the political scene in the nineteenth century. The English and Scottish politics in the nineteenth century were fairly well meshed together—certainly compared to Ireland. The extent of this political relationship can be exemplified in three areas: policy, party system, and personnel. There was a sense of grievance among Scots that their national interests and institutions were not being fairly or properly treated by the British state. There was also an inherent contradiction in their main complaints. Education was depicted as being supplanted by English values and methods. Anglo-Scottish political relations were reasonably favorable mainly because of the particular arrangements under which Scottish government was conducted. The several elements involved here are presented. At the moment of the greatest test of British unity, the proportion of Scots enlisting in the First World War was no different from the English and Welsh figures, and much higher than the Irish.
Nigel Aston
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205968
- eISBN:
- 9780191676871
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205968.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, History of Religion
The place of religion in the life of Edmund Burke remains a phenomenon as elusive as it is compelling, central to his vision in the 1790s. There are some areas of consensus. Most scholars, for ...
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The place of religion in the life of Edmund Burke remains a phenomenon as elusive as it is compelling, central to his vision in the 1790s. There are some areas of consensus. Most scholars, for instance, are in no doubt about the importance of religion for Burke in validating the existence of the State through an established Church, and in ‘consecrating’ its laws and institutions. This chapter's concern is the problematic issue of Burke's specifically Christian identity, particularly in his later years. His religious position is undeniably complicated and the element of the politique in his views steadily diminishes. He ends as catholic and eirenic, but not Roman Catholic, within an irreducible Anglican framework that defied both ready labelling or reduction to expediency, and satisfied his unshakable sense of the divine reality.Less
The place of religion in the life of Edmund Burke remains a phenomenon as elusive as it is compelling, central to his vision in the 1790s. There are some areas of consensus. Most scholars, for instance, are in no doubt about the importance of religion for Burke in validating the existence of the State through an established Church, and in ‘consecrating’ its laws and institutions. This chapter's concern is the problematic issue of Burke's specifically Christian identity, particularly in his later years. His religious position is undeniably complicated and the element of the politique in his views steadily diminishes. He ends as catholic and eirenic, but not Roman Catholic, within an irreducible Anglican framework that defied both ready labelling or reduction to expediency, and satisfied his unshakable sense of the divine reality.
Pete Alcock, Howard Glennerster, and Ann Oakley (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861342997
- eISBN:
- 9781447304203
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861342997.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Health, Illness, and Medicine
Richard Titmuss was Professor of Social Administration at the London School of Economics (LSE) from 1950 until his death in 1973. His publications on welfare and social policy were radical and ...
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Richard Titmuss was Professor of Social Administration at the London School of Economics (LSE) from 1950 until his death in 1973. His publications on welfare and social policy were radical and wide-ranging, spanning fields such as demography, class inequalities in health, social work, and altruism. Titmuss's work played a critical role in establishing the study of social policy as a scientific discipline; it helped to shape the development of the British Welfare State and influenced thinking about social policy worldwide. Despite its continuing relevance to current social policy issues both in the UK and internationally, much of Titmuss's work is now out of print.Less
Richard Titmuss was Professor of Social Administration at the London School of Economics (LSE) from 1950 until his death in 1973. His publications on welfare and social policy were radical and wide-ranging, spanning fields such as demography, class inequalities in health, social work, and altruism. Titmuss's work played a critical role in establishing the study of social policy as a scientific discipline; it helped to shape the development of the British Welfare State and influenced thinking about social policy worldwide. Despite its continuing relevance to current social policy issues both in the UK and internationally, much of Titmuss's work is now out of print.
