Jack Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199216314
- eISBN:
- 9780191712265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216314.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Civil discord and imperial aspirations gave the armed forces a powerful place in French politics. The officer corps has played a crucial part in ensuring domestic order, as well as fighting foreign ...
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Civil discord and imperial aspirations gave the armed forces a powerful place in French politics. The officer corps has played a crucial part in ensuring domestic order, as well as fighting foreign and colonial wars, notably in Algeria. Francophonia has been used to preserve a neo-colonial economic and cultural influence, especially in Africa. The switch to a European Union emphasis has been based on Franco-German concerted amity.Less
Civil discord and imperial aspirations gave the armed forces a powerful place in French politics. The officer corps has played a crucial part in ensuring domestic order, as well as fighting foreign and colonial wars, notably in Algeria. Francophonia has been used to preserve a neo-colonial economic and cultural influence, especially in Africa. The switch to a European Union emphasis has been based on Franco-German concerted amity.
Dirk Axtmann
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296454
- eISBN:
- 9780191600036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296452.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Algeria follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, ...
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This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Algeria follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1962–1997 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7 and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1962–1997 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1962–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1962 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1964–1997 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1964–1997; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1963–1995 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1962–1998.Less
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Algeria follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1962–1997 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7 and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1962–1997 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1962–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1962 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1964–1997 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1964–1997; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1963–1995 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1962–1998.
Richard Youngs
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249794
- eISBN:
- 9780191600357
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249792.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Catalogues EU policies towards Algeria during the 1990s. It suggests that initial support for the military regime as a bulwark against the Frente Islamique du Salut (FIS) did weaken as the 1990s ...
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Catalogues EU policies towards Algeria during the 1990s. It suggests that initial support for the military regime as a bulwark against the Frente Islamique du Salut (FIS) did weaken as the 1990s progressed. The relevance of the Euro–Mediterranean Partnership to political change in Algeria is examined, with particular attention paid to French–Algerian relations.Less
Catalogues EU policies towards Algeria during the 1990s. It suggests that initial support for the military regime as a bulwark against the Frente Islamique du Salut (FIS) did weaken as the 1990s progressed. The relevance of the Euro–Mediterranean Partnership to political change in Algeria is examined, with particular attention paid to French–Algerian relations.
Michael Rothberg
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195326222
- eISBN:
- 9780199944064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326222.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
Marguerite Duras's “Les Deux Ghettos” employs an aesthetic of juxtaposition: taking the form of two interconnected interviews, it brings together memory of the Holocaust and recent developments in ...
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Marguerite Duras's “Les Deux Ghettos” employs an aesthetic of juxtaposition: taking the form of two interconnected interviews, it brings together memory of the Holocaust and recent developments in the ongoing struggle between France and the Algerian independence movement, the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN). Duras's article approaches the massacre in roundabout fashion, through a historical analogy between Nazi policy and the context of Fifth Republic France. His article might be said to illustrate one of the central arguments of Jeffrey Alexander's chapter. Sometime around 1961, the Nazi genocide of European Jews went from being perceived as a terrible wartime atrocity with limited implications to being an event uniquely suited to illuminating historical evil wherever it cropped up. Thus, Alexander would most likely see in “Les Deux Ghettos” an exemplification of moral universality.Less
Marguerite Duras's “Les Deux Ghettos” employs an aesthetic of juxtaposition: taking the form of two interconnected interviews, it brings together memory of the Holocaust and recent developments in the ongoing struggle between France and the Algerian independence movement, the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN). Duras's article approaches the massacre in roundabout fashion, through a historical analogy between Nazi policy and the context of Fifth Republic France. His article might be said to illustrate one of the central arguments of Jeffrey Alexander's chapter. Sometime around 1961, the Nazi genocide of European Jews went from being perceived as a terrible wartime atrocity with limited implications to being an event uniquely suited to illuminating historical evil wherever it cropped up. Thus, Alexander would most likely see in “Les Deux Ghettos” an exemplification of moral universality.
Wendy S. Mercer
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263884
- eISBN:
- 9780191734830
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263884.003.0010
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
The first section of this chapter describes Xavier Marmier's marriage to Françoise Eugénie Pourchet. The civil ceremony took place in the town hall of Pontarlier on 8 May 1843. Unfortunately, the ...
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The first section of this chapter describes Xavier Marmier's marriage to Françoise Eugénie Pourchet. The civil ceremony took place in the town hall of Pontarlier on 8 May 1843. Unfortunately, the marriage ended in the tragic deaths of both mother and child, shortly after the birth on 17 April 1844 at their Paris home in the rue Saint–Thomas d'Aquin. The child died first during the labour. The second section describes Marmier's journey from the Rhine to the Nile. The third section describes his mission in Algeria. On 22 June 1846, Le Moniteur Universel announced that Marmier would be departing the following day for Port-Vendres, where he would meet up with the Ministre de l'Instruction publique, Salvandy, whom he was to accompany, with Salvandy's family, on a ministerial mission to Algeria.Less
The first section of this chapter describes Xavier Marmier's marriage to Françoise Eugénie Pourchet. The civil ceremony took place in the town hall of Pontarlier on 8 May 1843. Unfortunately, the marriage ended in the tragic deaths of both mother and child, shortly after the birth on 17 April 1844 at their Paris home in the rue Saint–Thomas d'Aquin. The child died first during the labour. The second section describes Marmier's journey from the Rhine to the Nile. The third section describes his mission in Algeria. On 22 June 1846, Le Moniteur Universel announced that Marmier would be departing the following day for Port-Vendres, where he would meet up with the Ministre de l'Instruction publique, Salvandy, whom he was to accompany, with Salvandy's family, on a ministerial mission to Algeria.
Peter Dunwoodie
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198159728
- eISBN:
- 9780191673696
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198159728.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
This book is a study of the European literary discourse on French Algeria between the conquest of 1830 and the outbreak of the Algerian War in 1954. For the first time in English, this intertextual ...
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This book is a study of the European literary discourse on French Algeria between the conquest of 1830 and the outbreak of the Algerian War in 1954. For the first time in English, this intertextual reading reveals the debate conducted within Algeria—and between colony and metropole—that aimed to forge an independent cultural identity for the European settlers. Through astute discussions of various texts, the book maps the representation of Algeria both in the dominant 19th-century discourse of Orientalism, via the littérature d'escale of writers such as Gautier or Fromentein, and in the colonial writing of Louis Bertrand, Robert Randau, and the ‘Algerianists’ who played a critical role in the construction of the new ‘Algerian’. The book shows how this ultimate construction relied on an extremely selective process which marginalized the indigenous people of the Maghreb in order to rediscover the country's ‘Latin’ roots. The book also focuses on the dialogism operative in the works of École d'Alger writers like Gabriel Audisio, Albert Camus, and Emmanuel Roblès, interrogating the way in which their voices countered the closure of those earlier strategies and yet still articulated the unresolvable dilemma of an inherently unstable and impermanent minority whose identity remained grounded in otherness.Less
This book is a study of the European literary discourse on French Algeria between the conquest of 1830 and the outbreak of the Algerian War in 1954. For the first time in English, this intertextual reading reveals the debate conducted within Algeria—and between colony and metropole—that aimed to forge an independent cultural identity for the European settlers. Through astute discussions of various texts, the book maps the representation of Algeria both in the dominant 19th-century discourse of Orientalism, via the littérature d'escale of writers such as Gautier or Fromentein, and in the colonial writing of Louis Bertrand, Robert Randau, and the ‘Algerianists’ who played a critical role in the construction of the new ‘Algerian’. The book shows how this ultimate construction relied on an extremely selective process which marginalized the indigenous people of the Maghreb in order to rediscover the country's ‘Latin’ roots. The book also focuses on the dialogism operative in the works of École d'Alger writers like Gabriel Audisio, Albert Camus, and Emmanuel Roblès, interrogating the way in which their voices countered the closure of those earlier strategies and yet still articulated the unresolvable dilemma of an inherently unstable and impermanent minority whose identity remained grounded in otherness.
John Tolan, Gilles Veinstein, and Henry Laurens
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691147055
- eISBN:
- 9781400844753
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691147055.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, World Medieval History
This chapter considers how, during the nineteenth century, the Muslim regions that succeeded in preserving formal independence were caught up in a race between European encroachment or interference ...
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This chapter considers how, during the nineteenth century, the Muslim regions that succeeded in preserving formal independence were caught up in a race between European encroachment or interference and the establishment of a strong state, which also had to call on the Europeans for assistance. Because of that dynamic of change, it is difficult to determine what was borrowed pure and simple and what was the result of evolutionary synchronism: the complex question of the emancipation of non-Muslims in Islamic territory is a case in point. Other regions had to face the “colonial night” of European domination, which in certain places eventually adopted the form of settlement colonies. However, the Muslim world was far from passive when confronted with Europe's multifaceted advance. It entered a cycle of accelerated transformation, culminating in the adoption of the nationality principle as the new mode of social organization.Less
This chapter considers how, during the nineteenth century, the Muslim regions that succeeded in preserving formal independence were caught up in a race between European encroachment or interference and the establishment of a strong state, which also had to call on the Europeans for assistance. Because of that dynamic of change, it is difficult to determine what was borrowed pure and simple and what was the result of evolutionary synchronism: the complex question of the emancipation of non-Muslims in Islamic territory is a case in point. Other regions had to face the “colonial night” of European domination, which in certain places eventually adopted the form of settlement colonies. However, the Muslim world was far from passive when confronted with Europe's multifaceted advance. It entered a cycle of accelerated transformation, culminating in the adoption of the nationality principle as the new mode of social organization.
Azzam S. Tamimi
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195140002
- eISBN:
- 9780199834723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195140001.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Democratization in the Arab region has been hindered by the modern Arab territorial state and the world order, both old and new.An Islamic concept of state has always existed.In its present colonial ...
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Democratization in the Arab region has been hindered by the modern Arab territorial state and the world order, both old and new.An Islamic concept of state has always existed.In its present colonial design, the Arab territorial state, which is ruled by a postcolonial elite whose interests are linked with former colonial powers, is incapable of democratization.The world order is not only disinterested in genuine democratization but has also intervened in order to curtail such a process, as happened in Algeria.Ghannouchi argues that two lobbies are responsible for the policy in the USA of supporting corrupt dictatorships in the Muslim world: the Zionist lobby, which is fearful for the impact of democratization on the future of Israel, and the arms lobby, weapons industrialists, and traders who are eager to maintain the sale of arms to the region.Less
Democratization in the Arab region has been hindered by the modern Arab territorial state and the world order, both old and new.
An Islamic concept of state has always existed.
In its present colonial design, the Arab territorial state, which is ruled by a postcolonial elite whose interests are linked with former colonial powers, is incapable of democratization.
The world order is not only disinterested in genuine democratization but has also intervened in order to curtail such a process, as happened in Algeria.
Ghannouchi argues that two lobbies are responsible for the policy in the USA of supporting corrupt dictatorships in the Muslim world: the Zionist lobby, which is fearful for the impact of democratization on the future of Israel, and the arms lobby, weapons industrialists, and traders who are eager to maintain the sale of arms to the region.
Frederick Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161310
- eISBN:
- 9781400850280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161310.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African History
This chapter looks at the transformation of the French Empire to the French Union. The French Union would not acquire a juridical basis until the finalization of the new constitution in October 1946 ...
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This chapter looks at the transformation of the French Empire to the French Union. The French Union would not acquire a juridical basis until the finalization of the new constitution in October 1946 and the meaning of the declarations about citizenship and federation were far from clear or generally accepted. However, a new name for empire had been introduced, the formula of federation had been invoked, and the possibility of an inclusive citizenship had been put on the table. Later, events in Indochina and Algeria would shape the debate over extending citizenship to Africans, but in contradictory ways. The conflicts led some to conclude that French control had to be more rigorous and others to emphasize the need to make overseas subjects feel included in an imperial community.Less
This chapter looks at the transformation of the French Empire to the French Union. The French Union would not acquire a juridical basis until the finalization of the new constitution in October 1946 and the meaning of the declarations about citizenship and federation were far from clear or generally accepted. However, a new name for empire had been introduced, the formula of federation had been invoked, and the possibility of an inclusive citizenship had been put on the table. Later, events in Indochina and Algeria would shape the debate over extending citizenship to Africans, but in contradictory ways. The conflicts led some to conclude that French control had to be more rigorous and others to emphasize the need to make overseas subjects feel included in an imperial community.
Sarah A. Curtis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195394184
- eISBN:
- 9780199866595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195394184.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Religion
This chapter opens part II by introducing Emilie de Vialar, a noblewoman who founded her own active religious order, the Soeurs de St‐Joseph de l'Apparition (SSJA) in 1830. Within two years, she had ...
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This chapter opens part II by introducing Emilie de Vialar, a noblewoman who founded her own active religious order, the Soeurs de St‐Joseph de l'Apparition (SSJA) in 1830. Within two years, she had not only attracted followers but was also invited to Algeria, immediately after the French conquest, to provide educational, charity, and health care services to European settlers and the indigenous population. After the appointment of a French bishop in 1839, however, Vialar found her scope of action reduced as Bishop Dupuch sought to limit Vialar's authority as a mother superior. The conflict was adjudicated by ecclesiastics in Rome, who supported the bishop, and the French government reluctantly expelled Vialar from Algeria. At issue were not only the lines of authority between a nun and a bishop but also the conversion activity of Catholics in a Muslim land.Less
This chapter opens part II by introducing Emilie de Vialar, a noblewoman who founded her own active religious order, the Soeurs de St‐Joseph de l'Apparition (SSJA) in 1830. Within two years, she had not only attracted followers but was also invited to Algeria, immediately after the French conquest, to provide educational, charity, and health care services to European settlers and the indigenous population. After the appointment of a French bishop in 1839, however, Vialar found her scope of action reduced as Bishop Dupuch sought to limit Vialar's authority as a mother superior. The conflict was adjudicated by ecclesiastics in Rome, who supported the bishop, and the French government reluctantly expelled Vialar from Algeria. At issue were not only the lines of authority between a nun and a bishop but also the conversion activity of Catholics in a Muslim land.
Francesco Cavatorta
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076169
- eISBN:
- 9781781701980
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076169.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book builds a theoretical framework through which previously neglected international factors are brought into the analyses of transitions to democracy. It then explores the case of Algeria. It ...
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This book builds a theoretical framework through which previously neglected international factors are brought into the analyses of transitions to democracy. It then explores the case of Algeria. It contributes to the literature on democratisation and provides an analysis of Algerian politics during the last two decades. More specifically, it examines how international variables influence the behaviour and activities of Algerian political actors. By bridging the comparative politics and international relations literature, the book offers a new understanding of the initiation, development and outcome of transitions to democracy. International factors, far from being marginal and secondary, are treated as central explanatory variables. Such external factors were crucial in the failed Algerian transition to democracy, when the attitudes and actions of key international actors shaped the domestic game and its final outcome. In particular, the book looks at the controversial role of the Islamic Salvation Front and how its part was perceived abroad. In addition, it argues that international factors significantly contribute to explaining the persistence of authoritarian rule in Algeria, to its integration into the global economy and its co-optation into the war on terror.Less
This book builds a theoretical framework through which previously neglected international factors are brought into the analyses of transitions to democracy. It then explores the case of Algeria. It contributes to the literature on democratisation and provides an analysis of Algerian politics during the last two decades. More specifically, it examines how international variables influence the behaviour and activities of Algerian political actors. By bridging the comparative politics and international relations literature, the book offers a new understanding of the initiation, development and outcome of transitions to democracy. International factors, far from being marginal and secondary, are treated as central explanatory variables. Such external factors were crucial in the failed Algerian transition to democracy, when the attitudes and actions of key international actors shaped the domestic game and its final outcome. In particular, the book looks at the controversial role of the Islamic Salvation Front and how its part was perceived abroad. In addition, it argues that international factors significantly contribute to explaining the persistence of authoritarian rule in Algeria, to its integration into the global economy and its co-optation into the war on terror.
Joshua Schreier
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780804799140
- eISBN:
- 9781503602168
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804799140.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
This book recounts the French conquest of Algeria by exploring the world of Oran’s influential Jewish merchants. Jacob Lasry, along with Mordecai Amar, Judah Sebbah and others, established themselves ...
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This book recounts the French conquest of Algeria by exploring the world of Oran’s influential Jewish merchants. Jacob Lasry, along with Mordecai Amar, Judah Sebbah and others, established themselves in this Mediterranean port after the Regency of Algiers dislodged the Spanish in 1792. They were part of a settlement hailing originally from Algerian and Moroccan cities and towns, Saharan Oases, and British Gibraltar. In newly Muslim Oran, they found opportunities to ply their trades, deal in goods brought in on caravans from the African interior, or export grain, cattle, or hides. On the eve of France’s long, chaotic, and brutal invasion of Algeria, Oran’s Jewish mercantile elite was well established, having made deals and formed partnerships with European consuls, Muslim traders, and local governors. Colonial officials and reformers boasted of bringing “emancipation” to those they called the “indigenous Jews,” but they actually depended on its mercantile elite to fund civic improvements and military campaigns, fill civic posts, and even disseminate “civilization.” As the French colonial order solidified, the merchants of Oran maintained their commercial, political, and social clout, demonstrating that the French conquest of Algeria did not instantly undo Oran’s pre-colonial order. Yet, by the 1840s, French policies began collapsing Oran’s diverse Jewish inhabitants into a single social category, legally separating Jews from their Muslim neighbors, and ranking them above Muslims in a new colonial hierarchy. France’s exclusionary process of “emancipation,” rather than older antipathies, planted the seeds of the twentieth century’s ruptures and violence.Less
This book recounts the French conquest of Algeria by exploring the world of Oran’s influential Jewish merchants. Jacob Lasry, along with Mordecai Amar, Judah Sebbah and others, established themselves in this Mediterranean port after the Regency of Algiers dislodged the Spanish in 1792. They were part of a settlement hailing originally from Algerian and Moroccan cities and towns, Saharan Oases, and British Gibraltar. In newly Muslim Oran, they found opportunities to ply their trades, deal in goods brought in on caravans from the African interior, or export grain, cattle, or hides. On the eve of France’s long, chaotic, and brutal invasion of Algeria, Oran’s Jewish mercantile elite was well established, having made deals and formed partnerships with European consuls, Muslim traders, and local governors. Colonial officials and reformers boasted of bringing “emancipation” to those they called the “indigenous Jews,” but they actually depended on its mercantile elite to fund civic improvements and military campaigns, fill civic posts, and even disseminate “civilization.” As the French colonial order solidified, the merchants of Oran maintained their commercial, political, and social clout, demonstrating that the French conquest of Algeria did not instantly undo Oran’s pre-colonial order. Yet, by the 1840s, French policies began collapsing Oran’s diverse Jewish inhabitants into a single social category, legally separating Jews from their Muslim neighbors, and ranking them above Muslims in a new colonial hierarchy. France’s exclusionary process of “emancipation,” rather than older antipathies, planted the seeds of the twentieth century’s ruptures and violence.
Paul Marshall and Nina Shea
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199812264
- eISBN:
- 9780199919383
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199812264.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Despite the very great differences between Algeria, Jordan, Morocco, Turkey, Yemen, and other countries in the Middle East, each also represses expression deemed insulting to Islam. Algeria has been ...
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Despite the very great differences between Algeria, Jordan, Morocco, Turkey, Yemen, and other countries in the Middle East, each also represses expression deemed insulting to Islam. Algeria has been cracking down on Christians because of fears of conversions, especially among the Kabyle people. There has been a similar pattern in Morocco. In both countries, this might also be tied to fears of conversions by Sunnis to Shiism, and the connection this might have to Iranian influence. Jordan is similar and has also pressured Muslim journalists and a poet. Libya, though varying with Qadafi's idiosyncrasies, has usually been far harsher in its treatment of converts. In Yemen, Jews, Baha’is, converts, and journalists have been persecuted, and several leading Muslim scholars have declared that those pushing for the reform of marriage laws were apostates. In Turkey, the minority Alevi Muslims suffer widespread discrimination, while writers and other reformers, as well as converts, can be accused of insulting the “Turkish nation,” which can incorporate a religious dimension because Islam is regarded as an integral part of the Turkish nation.Less
Despite the very great differences between Algeria, Jordan, Morocco, Turkey, Yemen, and other countries in the Middle East, each also represses expression deemed insulting to Islam. Algeria has been cracking down on Christians because of fears of conversions, especially among the Kabyle people. There has been a similar pattern in Morocco. In both countries, this might also be tied to fears of conversions by Sunnis to Shiism, and the connection this might have to Iranian influence. Jordan is similar and has also pressured Muslim journalists and a poet. Libya, though varying with Qadafi's idiosyncrasies, has usually been far harsher in its treatment of converts. In Yemen, Jews, Baha’is, converts, and journalists have been persecuted, and several leading Muslim scholars have declared that those pushing for the reform of marriage laws were apostates. In Turkey, the minority Alevi Muslims suffer widespread discrimination, while writers and other reformers, as well as converts, can be accused of insulting the “Turkish nation,” which can incorporate a religious dimension because Islam is regarded as an integral part of the Turkish nation.
Peter Dunwoodie
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198159728
- eISBN:
- 9780191673696
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198159728.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
This chapter examines the politics of polarity in the Algerianist literary movement and colonial novel in the French colony of Algeria during the early part of the 20th century. It traces the efforts ...
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This chapter examines the politics of polarity in the Algerianist literary movement and colonial novel in the French colony of Algeria during the early part of the 20th century. It traces the efforts of Algerian intellectuals to position the colony's fictional production within the context of the developing colonial novel. It also analyses the theory and practice of the Algerianist literary movement which was inspired by Robert Randau.Less
This chapter examines the politics of polarity in the Algerianist literary movement and colonial novel in the French colony of Algeria during the early part of the 20th century. It traces the efforts of Algerian intellectuals to position the colony's fictional production within the context of the developing colonial novel. It also analyses the theory and practice of the Algerianist literary movement which was inspired by Robert Randau.
Peter Dunwoodie
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198159728
- eISBN:
- 9780191673696
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198159728.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
This chapter examines the 1930s work of European Algerian writer Gabriel Audisio. Audisio played a central role in the cultural and artistic life of the colony and in the break with European-centred ...
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This chapter examines the 1930s work of European Algerian writer Gabriel Audisio. Audisio played a central role in the cultural and artistic life of the colony and in the break with European-centred Algerianism in favour of Mediterraneanism. He adumbrated in his works the figure of the athlete, hero, Greek demigod whose physical/sexual vitality is a manifestation of the life forces profusely spread around the shores of the Mediterranean. Some of his most notable works include Hommes au soleil and Trois hommes et un minaret.Less
This chapter examines the 1930s work of European Algerian writer Gabriel Audisio. Audisio played a central role in the cultural and artistic life of the colony and in the break with European-centred Algerianism in favour of Mediterraneanism. He adumbrated in his works the figure of the athlete, hero, Greek demigod whose physical/sexual vitality is a manifestation of the life forces profusely spread around the shores of the Mediterranean. Some of his most notable works include Hommes au soleil and Trois hommes et un minaret.
Peter Dunwoodie
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198159728
- eISBN:
- 9780191673696
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198159728.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
This chapter analyses the deferral of the ideal of countering the earlier strategies of erasure in the fiction of the Ecole d'Alger literary movement in Algeria. It explains that the works of Albert ...
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This chapter analyses the deferral of the ideal of countering the earlier strategies of erasure in the fiction of the Ecole d'Alger literary movement in Algeria. It explains that the works of Albert Camus, René-Jean Clot, and Marcel Moussy focused on the European population and critique many of the automatisms which marked that population. Clot's works, on the other hand, foregrounded the traditional colonial response which pastische racist stereotyping resulting from the always only partly successful derogatory descriptions of the Arab presence as alien, impenetrable, and unacceptable.Less
This chapter analyses the deferral of the ideal of countering the earlier strategies of erasure in the fiction of the Ecole d'Alger literary movement in Algeria. It explains that the works of Albert Camus, René-Jean Clot, and Marcel Moussy focused on the European population and critique many of the automatisms which marked that population. Clot's works, on the other hand, foregrounded the traditional colonial response which pastische racist stereotyping resulting from the always only partly successful derogatory descriptions of the Arab presence as alien, impenetrable, and unacceptable.
Peter Dunwoodie
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198159728
- eISBN:
- 9780191673696
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198159728.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
This chapter examines the conflict between the Ecole d'Alger literary movement and the colonial presence in Algeria. It discusses the reversal of the denigration to which Algerians had been subjected ...
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This chapter examines the conflict between the Ecole d'Alger literary movement and the colonial presence in Algeria. It discusses the reversal of the denigration to which Algerians had been subjected in pre-Algerianist fiction. The dynamism and vitality of life in North African towns depicted by the Algerianists then became a central topos of some of the writers of the Ecole d'Alger. This chapter discusses how theatre and radio were exploited in a drive to communicate directly with a local public outside urban cultural circuits analyses Albert Camus' Le Premier Homme and Marcel Moussy's Arcole ou la terre promise.Less
This chapter examines the conflict between the Ecole d'Alger literary movement and the colonial presence in Algeria. It discusses the reversal of the denigration to which Algerians had been subjected in pre-Algerianist fiction. The dynamism and vitality of life in North African towns depicted by the Algerianists then became a central topos of some of the writers of the Ecole d'Alger. This chapter discusses how theatre and radio were exploited in a drive to communicate directly with a local public outside urban cultural circuits analyses Albert Camus' Le Premier Homme and Marcel Moussy's Arcole ou la terre promise.
Irwin Wall
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520225343
- eISBN:
- 9780520925687
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520225343.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book unravels the intertwining threads of the protracted agony of France's war with Algeria, the American role in the fall of the Fourth Republic, the long shadow of Charles de Gaulle, and the ...
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This book unravels the intertwining threads of the protracted agony of France's war with Algeria, the American role in the fall of the Fourth Republic, the long shadow of Charles de Gaulle, and the decisive post-war power of the United States. At its heart is an analysis of how Washington helped bring de Gaulle to power and a penetrating revisionist account of his Algerian policy. Departing from widely held interpretations of the Algerian War, the book approaches the conflict as an international diplomatic crisis whose outcome was primarily dependent on French relations with Washington, the NATO alliance, and the United Nations, rather than on military engagement. It makes extensive use of previously unexamined documents from the Department of State, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and heretofore secret files of the Archives of the French Army at Vincennes and the Colonial Ministry at Aix-en-Provence. The book argues convincingly that de Gaulle always intended to keep Algeria French, in line with his goal to make France the center of a reorganized French union of autonomous but dependent African states and the heart of a Europe of cooperating states. Such a union, which the French called Eurafrica, would further France's chance to be an equal partner with Britain and the United States in a reordered “Free World.” In recent years the Algerian War has reclaimed its place in popular memory in France. Its interpreters have continued to view the conflict as a national, internal drama and de Gaulle as the second-time savior who ended French participation in a ruinous colonial war. But by analyzing the conflict in terms of French foreign policy, the book shows the pivotal role of the United States and counters certain political myths that portray de Gaulle as an emancipator of colonial peoples.Less
This book unravels the intertwining threads of the protracted agony of France's war with Algeria, the American role in the fall of the Fourth Republic, the long shadow of Charles de Gaulle, and the decisive post-war power of the United States. At its heart is an analysis of how Washington helped bring de Gaulle to power and a penetrating revisionist account of his Algerian policy. Departing from widely held interpretations of the Algerian War, the book approaches the conflict as an international diplomatic crisis whose outcome was primarily dependent on French relations with Washington, the NATO alliance, and the United Nations, rather than on military engagement. It makes extensive use of previously unexamined documents from the Department of State, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and heretofore secret files of the Archives of the French Army at Vincennes and the Colonial Ministry at Aix-en-Provence. The book argues convincingly that de Gaulle always intended to keep Algeria French, in line with his goal to make France the center of a reorganized French union of autonomous but dependent African states and the heart of a Europe of cooperating states. Such a union, which the French called Eurafrica, would further France's chance to be an equal partner with Britain and the United States in a reordered “Free World.” In recent years the Algerian War has reclaimed its place in popular memory in France. Its interpreters have continued to view the conflict as a national, internal drama and de Gaulle as the second-time savior who ended French participation in a ruinous colonial war. But by analyzing the conflict in terms of French foreign policy, the book shows the pivotal role of the United States and counters certain political myths that portray de Gaulle as an emancipator of colonial peoples.
Andrea L. Kavanauch
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195102017
- eISBN:
- 9780199854936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195102017.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Information Technology
Algerian, Moroccan, and Tunisian telecommunications operating institutions were established under the colonial regime, and patterned after the PPT system of the French Ministry. Subsequent to the ...
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Algerian, Moroccan, and Tunisian telecommunications operating institutions were established under the colonial regime, and patterned after the PPT system of the French Ministry. Subsequent to the country's independence, all international calls were supervised and directed through the offices in Paris, France—the former colonizer of the aforementioned states. Internal message sending networks manifested limited information exchange as telephones were only distributed among the urban areas and domestic calls were subject to certain limiting technical perimeters. This chapter analyzes these technological shortcomings, along with the potential advantages, in the context of each of the three country's economic patterns, organizational structure, industrialization pace, national reserves, financial capability, and global relations. In addition, the chapter looks at the distribution, ownership, management, and supervision of telecommunications in order to encourage effective and efficient delivery and allocation of technological resources.Less
Algerian, Moroccan, and Tunisian telecommunications operating institutions were established under the colonial regime, and patterned after the PPT system of the French Ministry. Subsequent to the country's independence, all international calls were supervised and directed through the offices in Paris, France—the former colonizer of the aforementioned states. Internal message sending networks manifested limited information exchange as telephones were only distributed among the urban areas and domestic calls were subject to certain limiting technical perimeters. This chapter analyzes these technological shortcomings, along with the potential advantages, in the context of each of the three country's economic patterns, organizational structure, industrialization pace, national reserves, financial capability, and global relations. In addition, the chapter looks at the distribution, ownership, management, and supervision of telecommunications in order to encourage effective and efficient delivery and allocation of technological resources.
Bill Kissane
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273553
- eISBN:
- 9780191706172
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273553.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter assesses the extent to which the Irish civil war was a forerunner of conflicts which broke out elsewhere in the post-colonial world in the 20th century. It shows that contrary to ...
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This chapter assesses the extent to which the Irish civil war was a forerunner of conflicts which broke out elsewhere in the post-colonial world in the 20th century. It shows that contrary to received wisdom, conflicts over Treaties of association were actually very rare during the decolonization process. Through comparisons with Algeria and the Philippines, it shows how unusual the Irish conflict was, and suggests that a combination of unique factors — Ireland's proximity to the UK, the existence of a long standing moderate form of nationalism, and the early timing of Irish independence — best explains the Irish deviance from the norm of initially peaceful decolonization. In particular, it suggests that the Treaty touched the raw nerve of a movement which had within it different variants of self-determination, and which was brought to electoral dominance in 1918 by the sudden democratization of the British political system.Less
This chapter assesses the extent to which the Irish civil war was a forerunner of conflicts which broke out elsewhere in the post-colonial world in the 20th century. It shows that contrary to received wisdom, conflicts over Treaties of association were actually very rare during the decolonization process. Through comparisons with Algeria and the Philippines, it shows how unusual the Irish conflict was, and suggests that a combination of unique factors — Ireland's proximity to the UK, the existence of a long standing moderate form of nationalism, and the early timing of Irish independence — best explains the Irish deviance from the norm of initially peaceful decolonization. In particular, it suggests that the Treaty touched the raw nerve of a movement which had within it different variants of self-determination, and which was brought to electoral dominance in 1918 by the sudden democratization of the British political system.
